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Syria’s Parliamentary Elections: Security Constraints and Questions of Legitimacy

Damascus moves forward with new elections while three provinces remain excluded under security justifications.

Ramy Shafiq by Ramy Shafiq
2025-08-27
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Syria’s Parliamentary Elections: Security Constraints and Questions of Legitimacy
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The events of recent months, since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime, have underscored the inevitability of building a participatory framework that includes all components of Syrian society, reinforcing collective action to face the challenges of the current stage and overcome its dangers.

The presidential decree on parliamentary elections has thus become a pivotal milestone on the roadmap to rebuilding the institutions of the new Syrian state.

Questions of Legitimacy

Yet questions have arisen over the decision to proceed with elections while postponing them in three provinces, raising doubts about whether the new People’s Assembly can legislate and guide the transitional stage with full legitimacy.

The exclusion of Suwayda, Raqqa, and Hasakah, justified officially on security grounds, has opened the door to divergent interpretations: some see it as the foundation of a new constitutional phase, while others view it as a selective measure reflecting power balances on the ground.

Accordingly, the upcoming elections can only be seen as a decisive test of Damascus’ ability to manage pluralism and ensure inclusive national representation.

Also read: The Syrian Government Confusion in Managing Domestic Issues

The Decree

On Wednesday, Syrian President Ahmad Al-Sharaa issued Decree No. 143 of 2025, ratifying the temporary electoral system for the People’s Assembly.

The head of the Election Committee said that procedures will begin the day after the decree’s issuance, noting that the Assembly will have 210 members in total, with two-thirds of them elected under the decree.

The new system allocates seats according to population, with each electoral district holding one or more seats depending on administrative divisions. A district may consist of one or several administrative areas.

Each district will form an “electoral body” tasked with electing two-thirds of the Assembly. Only members of these electoral bodies may run as candidates.

According to the decree, the number of members in each electoral body is determined by multiplying the number of allocated seats by fifty. The minimum number of members is set at thirty if the required conditions are not met. Candidates must be at least 30 years old.

Security Justifications

Hassan al-Dughaym, a member of the Higher Election Committee, told +963 that “security conditions and the presence of de facto authorities in Suwayda, Raqqa, and Hasakah prevent the elections from being held in a smooth, fair, and transparent manner that ensures residents of these provinces can choose their candidates and form their electoral bodies.”

He explained that “to guarantee genuine representation for the people of these provinces, the committee decided to postpone elections there until suitable conditions are available, while keeping their seats vacant in the People’s Assembly.”

Al-Dughaym added: “The elections are not an online process or a simple digital link. They require electoral districts, subcommittees, appeals bodies, oversight, and electoral bodies of 30 to 50 members. These demand a secure and neutral environment for candidates and voters to move, run, and vote; conditions that are absent in the three provinces.”

Also read: Syrian Gov and Kurdish SDF: Experts Warn March 10 Agreement Faces Major Challenges

Diverging Perspectives

For Wail Alwan, a researcher at Jusoor for Studies, completing the Assembly is essential for replacing old regime legislation and for exercising oversight over the executive authority. He emphasized that the new parliament will also be tasked with drafting a modern constitution, describing the elections as “a pivotal step toward building a new Syrian state and achieving political and constitutional stability.”

By contrast, Tarek Hamo, a researcher at the Kurdish Center for Studies, called the postponement “a political decision above all else.” Speaking to +963, he said: “These provinces are already safe enough,” arguing that the delay is intended to “increase pressure on these regions and signal to public opinion that they remain outside state administration.”

He also criticized the low allocation of seats: “Suwayda has 3 seats, Raqqa 3, Hasakah 6, and Deir Ezzor 6. Altogether, these provinces cover more than 30% of Syria’s territory and population, yet their parliamentary share is minimal.” 

On the other hand, a spokesperson for the Higher Election Committee confirmed that three alternatives are under consideration: conducting voting outside the provinces, directly appointing MPs, or leaving the seats vacant until elections are possible.

Toward Representation

Syrian writer Baraa Othman stressed that transitional states emerging from conflict require representative institutions capable of managing diversity.

He told +963: “The new People’s Assembly could become a national political forum, channelling tensions into parliamentary debate instead of spilling into the streets or armed conflict. It could serve as a safety valve in times of transition or crisis, and as a collective reference point for regenerating political legitimacy.”

Othman noted that the Assembly’s new internal regulations were drafted in a spirit different from Assad-era precedents: expanding parliamentary seats to reflect the broader political and social spectrum that emerged after Assad’s fall and introducing a fixed women’s quota that goes beyond mere symbolism, opening the door for genuine female participation in lawmaking and decision-making.

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