In recent months, the Syrian scene has witnessed a noticeable shift in external support, particularly from Gulf allies and Turkey. Initiatives are no longer limited to political statements or broad memoranda of understanding but are beginning to take shape through practical steps.
In July, Saudi Arabia announced 47 investment agreements worth $6.4 billion, spanning sectors such as energy, reconstruction, and telecommunications. Riyadh also agreed to supply 1.65 million barrels of crude oil to Syria to meet urgent energy needs. These moves coincided with growing Arab openness toward Damascus, as part of an attempt to bring Syria back into the regional balance.
At the same time, Qatar advanced through infrastructure and essential services projects, including support for the electricity sector and plans for strategic projects such as a new airport and a Damascus metro system. Analysts argue that Doha’s moves appear coordinated with Turkey and the United States, within a package of energy and electricity projects worth billions of dollars, an indication of long-term investment rather than short-term relief.
Turkey, for its part, has shifted from being a political and military actor in the Syrian crisis toward seeking an economic role in reconstruction. Turkish companies have begun entering industrial and trade ventures, including work to expand the electricity grid in cooperation with regional and international partners. This change reflects Ankara’s recognition that declining political and military influence must be offset by an economic presence that could shape Syria’s future.
Yet, amid these developments, questions arise on media platforms and social networks: how serious is this Gulf-Turkish funding, and will it quickly affect the lives of Syrian or remain hostage to political considerations? Many ask about the balance between large-scale investment and immediate needs like salaries, jobs, and stabilizing the collapsing currency. Others wonder how much political leverage will accompany this economic support.
Also read: Nationalist and Religious Parties in Syria: From Independence to the Post-Mandate Era
The Question of Feasibility
Syrian writer and journalist Tarek Ali, based in Damascus, raises doubts about the very nature of Saudi and Qatari funding: “How serious are these pledges? Will they become a genuine lifeline for a shattered economy, or remain mere memoranda of understanding?”
Ali points to the paradox of planning a $1.5 billion media city only a few kilometres away from completely destroyed towns in rural Damascus. Such choices, he argues, highlight a gap between investment announcements and Syrians’ urgent needs, especially with government salary crises, unemployment, reconstruction demands, and a plunging currency.
He adds: “Countries do not provide money as free gifts without declared or undeclared returns. The Gulf states are not a magic lamp for Syria’s transitional authority, especially amid the frightening developments of recent months and the declining influence of Western powers.”
On Turkey, Ali describes it as a pivotal player since the start of the conflict, but one that made political missteps that reduced its demands, particularly its confrontation with Israel, another key actor. He suggests Ankara’s “project” began to unravel when the U.S. envoy Thomas Barrack imposed restrictive arrangements, leading to confusion even within Washington. Today, Ali argues, Turkey is fighting fiercely to secure gains as its regional influence wanes, even if that could mean accommodating Israeli visions of federalization or partition in Syria in exchange for limited benefits.
As for Qatar, Ali sees it as a natural ally of Turkey that does not engage in direct political extortion. But like Ankara, it faces regional obstacles and diverging international agendas. Doha’s concern, he says, is that Syria’s file may slip from its hands after Damascus’ widening outreach, especially its rapprochement with Moscow, “once the fiercest enemy.”
Ali concludes that Saudi Arabia is constrained by Arab and international alignments and will likely proceed with a gradual “step-by-step” approach, under UN pressure and in line with UN Security Council Resolution 2254.
Also read: Trigger Mechanism Live: Iran Between Negotiation or Peril
Saudi Arabia’s Approach
Saudi writer and political analyst Mubarak Alatty, based in Riyadh, presents a different perspective. He tells +963 that Riyadh’s support is humanitarian and developmental: “Syrians inherited a weakened state, weighed down by corruption and foreign interventions. Saudi Arabia stands with them as they attempt to rebuild, but reconstruction requires international conferences and cooperation. Riyadh cannot shoulder it alone.”
He emphasizes that Saudi policies are shaped by regional reconciliations, restored ties with Turkey and Iran, as well as the kingdom’s weight in its relationship with Washington. These, he argues, played a key role in isolating Bashar al-Assad and paving the way for Syria’s return to its people.
Al-Atiyah rejects the idea that Saudi aid amounts to political blackmail, stressing instead: “Syria is seen as an extension of the Arabian Peninsula, and its stability is essential for the region. The Middle East’s power balances prevent any one state from dominating Syria’s present or future.”
He adds that Saudi Arabia’s political, economic, and religious weight, along with its influence in international decision-making, has been directed toward supporting Syria’s reintegration as a sovereign state. “Riyadh has used its international standing to normalize Syria’s role without imposing conditions or interfering in domestic decisions. It has sought instead to safeguard Syrian sovereignty and protect Arab national security,” he concludes.










