The relationship between the Syrian state and its society has endured decades of disruption. After independence, there was once a strong bond between the two, but this shifted drastically following the Baath Party’s rise to power. Political participation was effectively erased, citizenship weakened, and the concept of a civil state replaced with authoritarian control backed by loyalist parties.
Since the fall of the former regime, Syrians have increasingly called for a state built on justice and the rule of law. These demands include a new constitution that guarantees equal rights for all and the urgent revival of the country’s economy and infrastructure after fourteen years of war.
In an exclusive interview, political analyst Dr. Alaa Al-Asfari discusses the evolving relationship between state and society in Syria, the pressing economic and social challenges ahead, and what it will take to rebuild a functioning, inclusive state.
What is the nature of state-society relations in Syria, particularly in terms of citizenship and political participation?
Since the Baath Party seized power, the relationship became almost adversarial. For 50 years, the regime fostered a one-party system under the illusion of political pluralism. There were no real opposition parties; only regime-aligned entities that offered no genuine dissent in parliament or public life. These were, in effect, “cardboard parties” that merely created the appearance of diversity.
As a result, Syrians lived under dictatorship masked by media narratives of a “progressive front.” That illusion came at a high cost. Today, after the liberation, it’s imperative to reevaluate the state-society relationship. Entire segments of society – ethnic, sectarian, and technocratic – remain excluded. The current system has become authoritarian in nature.
While some level of centralized control may be necessary at first to rebuild trust, this relationship must quickly evolve into a foundation for real democracy – one rooted in inclusion, not exclusion, and free from cults of personality or treason accusations.
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What are the key economic and social challenges affecting state-building today?
Economically, the most pressing challenge is the continuation of international sanctions, particularly the recent extension of the U.S. Caesar Act, which significantly hinders growth, reconstruction, and infrastructure development. It dampens public hope and investor confidence alike.
The second challenge is security. Without real stability, not enforced through repression, but through social cohesion, there will be no serious domestic or international investment. Capital is naturally risk-averse, and no investor will gamble on chaos.
Socially, Syria faces the challenge of integration. I avoid the term “minorities,” but the inclusion of all Syrians, Druze, Kurds, Alawites, is essential; they are fundamental to Syria’s national fabric.
If reconstruction is not inclusive, it will only deepen divisions and perpetuate instability.
Did Syria’s military coups from independence until 1970 shape its modern state?
Absolutely. Post-independence Syria saw a string of military coups that disturbed the country’s political evolution. The frequent power struggles created a climate of instability until the authoritarian Assad era began in 1970.
But worse than the coups themselves was the systematic dismantling of civil life and political opposition. Democracies thrive on opposition, not necessarily in power, but present, organized, and nonviolent. Instead, Syrian politics stagnated, and when peaceful options were exhausted, violence filled the void.
These coups and their consequences decimated the fragile democratic foundations laid in the 1940s.
Does labelling Syria a “failed state” post-2011 reflect its current reality?
Yes. Decades of authoritarianism culminated in violent breakdown. After 2011, society fractured. The revolution became militarized, and hundreds of armed factions emerged, each with its own agenda, deepening the failure.
With the beginning of “liberation” in late 2024, the new government now has the burden of learning from decades of missteps, from independence to now. It must establish a democratic, civilian-led system that welcomes all groups. Any attempt to exclude or marginalize a community is dangerous and risks repeating the same cycle of division.
The new leadership must understand why Syria failed and act accordingly, through reconciliation, public inclusion, and stability, not just in politics, but in society and the economy. That’s the only path to national success.
Is the 1946–1949 Constitution still relevant as a foundation for modern Syria?
In many ways, yes. The constitution drafted in the 1940s by seasoned politicians, including Nazem al-Qudsi, was democratic, secular, and protective of civil liberties. It recognized Islam as the state religion but emphasized individual freedoms.
It shouldn’t be adopted wholesale today, but it can serve as a solid foundation. We can update and build on its principles to reflect today’s realities. There’s also much to learn from other democratic constitutions – Malaysia, France, the UK – all of which have rich legal traditions.
But if Syria continues to embrace exclusionary politics, it will again move toward failure. Instead, a new constitution must guarantee equal rights for all, empower diverse communities, and embrace Syria’s ethnic and sectarian diversity as a strength, not a liability.
