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Syria’s First Post-Assad Parliament: Elections Without the People

A transitional parliament elected through indirect voting and presidential appointments; sparks doubt over representation and democratic substance. 

Moaz Al-Hamad by Moaz Al-Hamad
2025-10-05
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Syria’s First Post-Assad Parliament: Elections Without the People
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In an atmosphere filled with anticipation and uncertainty, polling stations across most Syrian provinces opened their doors on Sunday morning to members of the electoral bodies, marking the start of the first parliamentary elections since the fall of Bashar al-Assad. The event, described by the transitional authorities as a “foundational day for the new Syria,” takes place under complex political and security conditions and amid intense debate over its legitimacy and popular representation.

The Launch of the Electoral Process

From the early morning hours, members of the electoral bodies arrived at the polling centres scattered across the provinces, carrying their identification papers to receive official ballot forms and cast their votes in secret booths before depositing them in transparent ballot boxes.

In Damascus, the National Library polling centre welcomed diplomatic delegations and ambassadors accredited to Syria to observe the process up close — a symbolic gesture of the external openness the transitional government seeks to project.

The First Parliament After Assad

These elections are the first of their kind following the collapse of the previous regime and the assumption of interim president Ahmad al-Sharaa.

The process is expected to yield a temporary parliament of 210 members: two-thirds (140 MPs) selected through indirect elections by “electoral bodies,” while the remaining third (70 MPs) will be appointed by presidential decree.

According to Presidential Decree No. 66 of 2025, this transitional electoral system was adopted due to the absence of the civil infrastructure necessary for direct elections, including a national voter register and data systems, in addition to continuing security unrest in some areas.

New Law and Local Electoral Bodies

A Higher Committee for the Supervision of Parliamentary Elections was formed, chaired by Judge Muhammad Taha al-Ahmad and ten members, tasked with overseeing all aspects of the process, from preparing candidate lists to counting votes and reviewing appeals.

Electoral bodies were formed in each province in consultation with community and official figures, comprising notables, intellectuals, and union representatives. Around 14,000 members constitute these bodies, with exclusive rights to vote and run for office.

The number of members in each body was determined by a set calculation: the number of seats per district multiplied by 50. Strict eligibility criteria were set, including legal competence, good reputation, residence prior to 2011, and political neutrality. Former regime officials and those accused of separatist activities were excluded.

Absent Provinces and Frozen Seats

Although the elections began in most provinces, they did not take place in Suwayda in the southwest, Al-Hasaka, and Raqqa in the northeast.

In Suwayda, security tensions forced a postponement “until stability is restored,” according to the Higher Committee.

In Hasakeh and Raqqa, under the control of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, the elections were suspended following the Administration’s rejection of the process as “illegitimate.”

As a result, about 19 seats remain vacant, prompting the presidency to exercise its powers to appoint replacements to maintain regional and sectarian balance in the assembly.

Read also: Syria’s New Parliament: Debate Over Postponement and Representation Crisis

Candidates and Limited Competition

The nomination window closed on 28 September, with 1,578 candidates, including 14 percent women.

Despite this relative diversity, there was an almost complete absence of campaigning or public advertising, with only limited posters and muted official announcements. International reports described the process as “disciplined rather than competitive.”

Voting and Procedures

Voting began at 9 a.m. and will continue until 5 p.m., with possible extensions in some provinces. Each voter’s identity is checked before entering, then they receive a stamped ballot to mark in secret before depositing it publicly in the box in front of observers.

Presidential Powers and a Central Role

The interim constitutional declaration grants the transitional president wide powers, including forming the election committee, appointing one-third of parliament, and issuing decrees and laws.

Regulations prohibit appointing election losers or members of the president’s former party, and 10 percent of the appointed seats are reserved for women.

In theory, this mechanism should ensure regional and sectarian balance, but critics argue it reinforces executive dominance over the legislature.

Absence of Popular Vote and the Legitimacy Dilemma

A striking feature is the absence of direct citizen participation. Voting is restricted to electoral bodies, raising questions about the parliament’s legitimacy and ability to represent the wider Syrian public.

Observers note that indirect voting may be necessary for now, given fragile institutions and security, but warn that it undermines popular representation, rendering parliament closer to a consultative body shaped by transitional power balances rather than an independent legislative authority.

Then and Now: Comparing Systems

The 2025 elections differ fundamentally from those under Assad. Previously, citizens voted directly, albeit under the heavy shadow of the security apparatus. Today, elections are indirect, controlled by limited elites, with wide presidential powers of appointment. Political parties have disappeared following the dissolution of regime-aligned groups, leaving candidates to run only as independents.

Transitional Step or Political Theatre?

For supporters of the transitional government, these elections are a necessary step towards building legislative institutions on the long road to a permanent constitution and general elections within thirty months.

For critics, the elections are largely symbolic, designed to institutionalise a transitional phase still centred on presidential authority.

Between Doubt and Hope

As observers note, “Syrians pin little hope on the immediate results of these elections, but rather on what follows: will they open the way to real political reform and a permanent constitution, or mark the start of a new cycle of concentrated power under a democratic façade?”

In any case, the 2025 elections remain a pivotal moment in Syria’s modern history; a transition from an authoritarian regime that collapsed by force to a fledgling parliamentary experiment attempting to breathe in an atmosphere of doubt, yet aspiring over time to form a political contract that truly represents all Syrians.

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