As the date approaches for Syria’s first parliamentary elections since President Ahmad Al-Sharaa came to power following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime late last year, the Supreme Electoral Committee’s decision to postpone voting in three key Syrian governorates has sparked widespread debate in political and popular circles.
Raqqa and Al-Hasakah in the north, and As-Suwayda in the south, were deprived of elections after the committee justified its decision on security grounds. At the same time, it offered three alternatives for dealing with these areas: allowing residents to vote outside their governorates, appointing representatives for them by presidential decree, or leaving the seats vacant until further notice.
These alternatives failed to convince many, who saw the decision as reproducing a mentality of political exclusion and emptying the electoral process of its substance.
The Supreme Electoral Committee, in press statements, emphasized that the postponement was not an easy option but was necessitated by “security and logistical considerations that cannot be ignored.” It argued that holding elections in areas under “non-state military authorities” would undermine the credibility of the entire process, stressing that electoral rights are a sovereign matter not to be tampered with.
However, these justifications faced clear rejection from the Kurdish-led Autonomous Administration in northeastern Syria, which considered the decision a political attempt to exclude Kurdish and Arab communities in the region from the national scene.
A Serious Message
Kurdish politician Abdul Karim Al-Sheikh Hassan told +963: “Excluding Al-Hasakah and Raqqa sends a dangerous message to residents, implying they are merely subjects, not full citizens.”
He added that real participation from these areas could have opened the door to a diverse representation based on democracy and decentralization, something Damascus does not wish to see. He warned that this policy could push people further toward losing trust in state institutions and seeking political alternatives outside them.
The three governorates account for about ten percent of seats in the new parliament, a significant number under the temporary electoral law that raised the People’s Council from 150 to 210 seats, 70 of which are directly appointed by the president.
Raqqa has roughly 816,000 residents according to unofficial local statistics. Al-Hasakah city houses around 422,000, with the broader governorate reaching 1.3 million. As-Suwayda has about 322,000 residents, most of whom are Druze.
Raqqa and Al-Hasakah are under the control of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), while As-Suwayda experiences ongoing local unrest and protests against the central authority, sometimes accompanied by armed clashes and security tensions.
Also read: Syria’s Parliamentary Elections: Security Constraints and Questions of Legitimacy
Researcher and journalist Tariq Abdul Sattar told +963 that the postponement decision is “a political gamble fraught with risks,” explaining that excluding such a large population creates a dangerous political vacuum, especially since these governorates include key Arab, Kurdish, Christian, and Druze communities.
He added that the absence of these voices in parliament will increase the fragility of the political process and weaken its legitimacy both domestically and internationally.
Between Logical and Absurd
Public opinion in Syria varies. Some Syrians see the postponement as logical and necessary. Government employee Moataz Khudair told +963 that allowing elections in areas outside state authority would be tantamount to recognizing their legitimacy, so waiting until security is fully established is the safest option.
Conversely, civil activist Layla Othman from Al-Hasakah expressed her frustration with the decisions, calling them “absurd,” noting that residents are treated as second-class citizens, expected to fulfill duties but repeatedly denied political rights under the pretext of security conditions.
In As-Suwayda, retired teacher Fouad Nasr (a pseudonym) said the decision reproduces the old regime’s mentality, where the president decides who enters parliament and who is excluded, without regard for the people’s will.
The alternatives offered by the Supreme Electoral Committee have not gained broad acceptance: voting outside the governorates faces logistical obstacles and would deprive many of their right to vote; appointing deputies by presidential decree is seen as undermining popular representation and turning parliament into a chamber of appointments; leaving seats vacant weakens the entire electoral process and marginalizes entire regions.
Political researcher Ghazwan Al-Fahd told +963 that the solution lies in forming a joint committee including representatives from the government, the SDF, and As-Suwayda, along with human rights organizations, to create a clear election timetable ensuring participation for all Syrians.
He added that Damascus fears unexpected outcomes if elections are held in these governorates, particularly as demographic balances could allow diverse voices to enter parliament.
Others argue that asserting state control and symbolism was the main motive for postponement. However, educational academic Younis Al-Hajj Ali from Qamishli told +963 that security in Raqqa and Al-Hasakah is better than in some areas where elections will proceed, suggesting that using security as an excuse undermines public trust and politicizes the process, calling into question its fairness and transparency.
Since coming to power, Al-Sharaa has taken a series of steps presented as political reforms, including dissolving the previous parliament, issuing a temporary five-year constitutional declaration, and increasing the number of People’s Council seats.
However, according to political science professor Ayman Younis Muhammad, the public has yet to see substantive changes in the rules of the political game. He sees the upcoming elections as more of a formal exercise than a genuine reform, noting that the postponement in three governorates reflects a lack of willingness to include everyone in the transitional phase.
According to activists and human rights advocates, excluding nearly two million citizens from the electoral process poses a legitimacy challenge for the upcoming parliament, both domestically and internationally, and raises fears that the elections could shift from a chance for national reconciliation to a new stage of political and social division.
The question facing Syrians today remains: was the postponement decision made to protect electoral integrity and transparency, or is it a tool of political exclusion, reproducing the past by new means?
