The idea of governing state institutions in post-conflict Syria – after the fall of the Assad regime and under the interim government – has moved from theory to reality. It is now shaped by official declarations, practical challenges, and growing international attention. Over the past two years, the United Nations has repeatedly stressed in Security Council sessions that any genuine political transition depends on the new authority’s capacity to create independent and functioning institutions – particularly the judiciary, oversight bodies, and local administrations. These reforms are seen as essential to holding credible elections and building a legal environment in which the state can operate free from security interference.
Internationally, conferences on Syria – particularly the Brussels meetings on its future – have reaffirmed that aid and investment will depend on transparency, good governance, and administrative reform. Donors and international bodies have also shown readiness to provide technical support to the interim government, particularly in strengthening administrative capacity, developing digital systems of governance, and restructuring key service sectors such as electricity, water, and healthcare.
At the same time, sanctions have become a decisive factor in determining how effectively the interim government can manage state institutions. Recent months have seen a growing debate on whether certain sanctions should be reviewed or eased to support reconstruction, revive devastated local economies, and restore essential services. Although opinions remain divided, the general direction appears to link any easing of sanctions to genuine progress in reform and transparency.
Human rights have also returned to the centre of the debate. Calls have grown for mechanisms to ensure accountability for the violations committed both before and during the conflict. Transitional justice is increasingly viewed as an inseparable part of rebuilding state institutions – yet it places the interim government in a difficult position. It must find a balance between holding perpetrators accountable and retaining the skilled administrators needed to keep the state functioning.
These overlapping challenges – from UN warnings and international conferences to the question of sanctions and justice – define the complex environment facing the interim government. Its performance will not be judged by political rhetoric, but by its ability to restore essential services, build transparent and accountable structures, and regain both domestic and international trust in the Syrian state’s capacity to recover.
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Reconstructing the State
Syrian researcher Diaa Qaddour told +963 that the interim government’s success in rebuilding Syria’s state institutions on the foundations of transparency, justice, and efficiency rests on three central pillars. The first, he said, is the urgent need to lift international sanctions such as the Caesar Act – a step he considers crucial for economic and service recovery.
He explained that institutional rebuilding must be based on competence and integrity, requiring a new constitution, firm anti-corruption laws, and a merit-based system of public appointments. Digitising state services, he added, will reduce bureaucracy and promote transparency. Continuity of essential services – particularly electricity, healthcare, and water – must also be safeguarded to prevent administrative paralysis.
On the question of accountability, Qaddour argued that Syria needs a balanced approach to transitional justice – one that ensures judicial accountability for serious crimes and corruption, while preserving the technical and administrative expertise of those not implicated in wrongdoing. He revealed that several transitional justice measures have already been initiated, though not yet publicised, to avoid political disruption.
The second pillar, according to Qaddour, is the role of both domestic and international actors. The international community must provide technical assistance and reconsider economic sanctions – especially the Caesar Act – to allow the government to finance reforms and reconstruction. Meanwhile, Syrian civil society must act as an independent watchdog to ensure transparency, contribute to policymaking, and rebuild trust between citizens and the state.
Qaddour identified the greatest challenge as financing reforms under ongoing economic pressure. He argued that lifting or easing sanctions is essential to stabilise the interim government. The real struggle, he concluded, is no longer military or security-based, but one of civil resilience – the ability of the state and its citizens to deliver the basic services that sustain everyday life.
“This battle,” he said, “is measured not by victory on the battlefield, but by a new school seat, an extra hospital bed, or another hour of electricity.”
He pointed to the resilience of Syrian society as proof of this determination. Across both opposition-held and regime-freed areas, local initiatives in Idlib, Homs, Damascus, and Daraa have channelled donations into rebuilding schools, repairing infrastructure, and restoring essential services.
“These community efforts,” Qaddour explained, “represent the true capital of trust – building legitimacy from the ground up. They lay the foundation for sustainable governance, whatever shape the future government takes.”
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The People as the Foundation
Activist and researcher Abdulrahman Rabou’, based in Cairo, shared his perspective on how the interim government can rebuild state institutions that are transparent, just, and efficient while maintaining service continuity and avoiding administrative chaos.
He told +963 that state institutions must be built from the bottom up – starting with local administrations and elected councils in every town and province. This, he said, requires collective, participatory work led by qualified individuals chosen directly by their communities.
“The interim government’s role,” Rabou’ explained, “is to create the conditions for rebuilding through direct popular elections. The people know their interests better than the government.” He argued that when governments listen to citizens and fail, it is the people’s right to replace them – ensuring accountability to voters rather than to higher authorities.
He proposed that rebuilding should begin with directly elected local administrations supervised by a High Electoral Commission, legally and constitutionally protected to ensure neutrality and independence.
Addressing the challenge of balancing accountability and integration, Rabou’ noted that not all former regime officials were corrupt. Many were simply professionals performing their duties within the law, and several have already joined the interim administration. However, he insisted that those guilty of crimes or corruption must be excluded from public life.
“Transitional justice,” he said, “should comfort everyone and open the door for Syrians to take part in rebuilding their country.”
Rabou also called for encouraging skilled Syrians abroad to return and contribute to reconstruction, noting that while some have already come back, many more are needed.
As for the role of civil society, Rabou described it as the main guarantee of fairness, justice, and equal opportunity. He urged the government to open all space for civic activity – political parties, trade unions, associations, and local initiatives – protected by law and supported by the state.
“Governments do not build nations,” he said. “Societies do – and through them, governments are born.”
Rabou’ concluded by calling civil society the “school of citizenship” – the place where Syrians learn to act responsibly, honestly, and usefully for their communities.
