Deep in Syria’s eastern desert, Deir Ezzor has become a complex arena for covert conflict that transcends national borders. Years of direct and indirect Iranian influence in the region, which reportedly involved more than 18,000 local loyalist fighters at its peak, have given way to a new phase following the fall of the former regime.
Vanished Commanders, Persistent Networks
As the visible war draws to a close, a quieter but equally dangerous chapter begins. Dormant cells backed by Iran are becoming more active amid growing political and security challenges.
In recent months, Syria’s new government has launched a series of security operations, arresting dozens of local fighters affiliated with Iran. However, these operations have barely scratched the surface. Thousands of individuals who once served within Iranian-backed structures remain at large.
Samir Suleiman (a pseudonym), a former member of an Iran-aligned militia in Deir Ezzor, told +963 that over 90% of local commanders from Iranian factions have gone underground. “They received advanced training and still possess light and medium weapons hidden in remote or undisclosed areas,” he said.
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These groups continue to receive orders from Iranian operatives moving between Syria and Iraq, particularly in towns near the border. Communications are managed through encrypted channels, and operations are carried out with precision.
Suleiman revealed that the cells primarily target local figures who oppose Iran’s agenda, using assassinations, threats, and covert intelligence meetings to reorganize and rebuild support networks. Many fighters reportedly wear uniforms of the new government’s forces, making it increasingly difficult to distinguish them—especially amid the chaotic security environment in Deir Ezzor, where dozens of military factions operate without formal documentation or identification.
Existential Battle
Residents are increasingly concerned that these cells are positioning themselves as successors to the ousted Iranian factions, exploiting the region’s social and economic disarray.
A senior official in Deir Ezzor’s General Security Directorate, speaking to +963 on condition of anonymity, said the transitional administration is operating on several fronts to dismantle Iran’s influence in the region.
These efforts include intensifying intelligence coordination with regional and international partners to track financial transfers and suspicious communications, enhancing security operations through specialized units supported by local intelligence to strike sleeper cells preemptively, and fostering social engagement by working with civil organizations to promote reintegration and counter sectarian narratives.
“Iran wants to turn Deir Ezzor into a political bargaining chip in the broader Syrian negotiations,” the official said, “but for us, this is an existential fight, not just a security issue.”
Still, challenges on the ground remain daunting. Many fighters are not mere mercenaries but former regime loyalists or ex-opposition members with deep community ties, complicating efforts to root them out. The official stressed that security operations alone are insufficient without a political approach that addresses public demands, particularly for basic services and dismantling Iran’s parallel economic networks.
Activist Sobhi al-Mohammad warned that pro-Iranian elements may attempt to reclaim influence through subtler tactics—such as forming hybrid militias combining local, Iraqi, and Iranian fighters, or leveraging the economic crisis to recruit unemployed youth.
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Secret Prisons, Mass Graves
Abdelhai Ismail (a pseudonym), a commander with one of the Defense Ministry-affiliated factions, said that after the regime’s fall, new government forces seized most of the former military headquarters used by Iranian militias. However, many rural outposts were abandoned due to rising ISIS activity and lack of manpower.
Most of the Iranian factions’ bases were in confiscated civilian homes. Upon reclaiming them, some locations—such as the “Ain Ali” base—were found to contain secret detention centers and torture chambers. According to one former fighter, no detainees were found alive. He claimed that all were executed before Iranian forces withdrew and were buried in a nearby graveyard.
A Defense Ministry source told +963 that about 80% of the weapons once held by Iranian factions were transferred to Iraq. Some arms were recovered by local civilians, while others remain in the possession of former loyalists.
Since the regime’s collapse, eight mass graves have been discovered, containing the remains of civilians, detainees, and even children. Activist Khader al-Khalaf from the town of al-Mayadin told +963 that hundreds of Deir Ezzor residents are still missing, presumed killed and buried in unmarked mass graves.
