In a rapidly shifting regional landscape, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) continues to emerge as a key political and military actor, advocating for a decentralized model as a path forward for Syria. In an exclusive interview featured in the sixth issue of +963 Magazine, Badran Jia Kurd, Deputy Co-Chair of the AANES, sheds light on the recent agreement with Damascus, prospects for engagement with Turkey, ongoing security and political challenges, and a vision for a pluralistic Syrian future.
He confirms that indirect communication with Ankara continues in hopes of establishing field-level understandings that could positively impact Syria’s political trajectory. He emphasizes, however, that true stability will remain elusive without a complete Turkish withdrawal from Syrian territory.
What are the main challenges currently facing the Autonomous Administration amid regional developments?
Significant changes have occurred in the Middle East since the onset of the war in Gaza, followed by tensions and military operations in Lebanon and Syria, leading to a new phase of shifting power balances in Syria and the region, which will influence the shaping of the future.
These field and political changes have imposed a new reality that we, in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, have attempted to mitigate through efforts on various political, military, and social levels, aiming to reduce the magnitude of challenges that, at certain points, posed significant risks which we managed to address.
Today, the scale of challenges is less than it was a year ago. The most prominent regional challenge we face is Turkey’s hostility toward our project based on decentralization and pluralism, which Turkey perceives as a threat to its national security. Undoubtedly, these Turkish arguments are unconvincing and have been invalidated following the recent agreement signed between the General Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces and the Syrian presidency represented by Mr. Ahmad Al-Shar’a. Therefore, Turkey is now compelled to accept the existence of the Autonomous Administration and the Syrian Democratic Forces.
How do you assess the current dialogue with Turkey?
Indeed, there is ongoing communication between us and Turkey through intermediaries to reach a form of field understanding that will have political implications for Syria and the region in general.
What are the internal challenges facing the AANES?
The foremost domestic challenge for all Syrians, including us, is the uncertainty surrounding the political system that will ultimately govern Syria. The current structure in Damascus fails to meet the aspirations of the Syrian people or align with our model for North and East Syria. Therefore, we believe that inclusive national dialogue is key to overcome these issues.
Other pressing concerns include the safe return of displaced persons and refugees to their original areas, the restoration of their properties, and compensation, especially for the displaced from Afrin and Ras al-Ain (Serê Kaniyê). Moreover, there are challenges shared by all Syrians, such as the deteriorating economic situation across Syrian geography. Here, the international community must provide the necessary humanitarian and economic support to rehabilitate infrastructure in our areas, open official crossings, revive the banking and financial infrastructure, and activate airports.
How would you characterize your current relationship with the Syrian government following the agreement between General Mazloum Abdi and Interim President Ahmad Al-Shar’a?
We currently have direct communication channels with the interim Syrian government in Damascus, and the relationship can be described as somewhat positive. However, we have clear criticisms, especially regarding the constitutional declaration, the formation of the government, and the lack of inclusive Syrian participation.
This phase represents a process of building trust and working together based on national principles, not as a particular group or faction. Our position in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria is clear: we support an inclusive, Syrian-led national dialogue where all Syrians decide the fate of their country, its governance, and political system.
In line with this, we have consistently put forward political initiatives related to a Syrian political solution. The agreement signed between the General Command of the Syrian Democratic Forces and the interim Syrian administration is part of our effort to develop a roadmap that prevents further chaos and a return to conflict. We emphasized the need to halt all military operations across Syria and to create space for an initial negotiation process that can later expand and form the foundation for broader change and a future for all Syrians.
What are the key outcomes of the Aleppo agreement, and do you foresee similar arrangements in other Kurdish-majority areas?
Recently, central committees have been formed by both parties to oversee the work of specialized subcommittees currently being established. Some have already commenced their work, yielding results in the agreement concerning the Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh neighborhoods in Aleppo.
The agreement for Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh has seen the implementation of some clauses, with efforts underway to complete it as circumstances permit. We view this agreement as positive, providing momentum to reinforce civil peace across Syrian geography. It serves as a starting point for similar agreements in other areas like Afrin, albeit with different methods and clauses tailored to each region’s nature and governance mechanisms.
Naturally, this agreement encompasses security, administrative, and political aspects. We emphasized the necessity of maintaining service and administrative institutions in the neighborhoods to preserve the identity and specificity of their residents, focusing on retaining internal security forces to ensure stability and prevent crimes. We aim to convey the message that just as there cannot be a state within a state, the uniqueness of one component cannot be nullified at the expense of another. Therefore, we must reach a consensus on an administrative formula encompassing all aspects, laying the groundwork for a decentralized, pluralistic framework that ensures coexistence among components, enhances civil peace, and fulfills everyone’s aspirations for rights and identity.
The interim Syrian administration has yet to be convinced of a decentralized system. Its political, administrative, and even military actions aim to reinforce a singular, uniform rule, contradicting our agreements and the Syrian reality. We will continue our efforts to change the current situation and achieve the political system we aspire to, aligning with the vision of the majority of Syrians who believe in democracy, freedom, and dignity, as well as with Western and Arab demands for Syria’s future governance.
How is your relationship evolving with the international coalition against ISIS?
Our relationship with the International Coalition against ISIS remains at a good level, with improvements in relations with some Western and Arab countries, especially after the fall of the Ba’ath regime. The new situation has necessitated a new political approach from neighboring and Western countries toward the Autonomous Administration, aligning with their interests and the current Syrian context.
The International Coalition and some other countries are concerned about the deterioration of security in Syria and the resurgence of ISIS. Consequently, some countries have strengthened their presence in the Syrian arena, with the Autonomous Administration, in both its political and military aspects, serving as a fundamental force to ensure regional stability in the future. Therefore, we believe that the nature of the relationship should evolve to encompass broader aspects, with the Autonomous Administration being recognized as a key partner in Syria’s future, not just as a local force combating terrorism, but as a political entity capable of contributing to lasting solutions.
Has Turkey’s stance toward the AANES shifted amid internal Kurdish reconciliation efforts and recent statements by Abdullah Öcalan?
While we support Mr. Öcalan’s call for peace, Turkey’s official position on the Syrian crisis and the AANES remains fundamentally unchanged. However, we’ve observed a noticeable softening in rhetoric and continue to engage in indirect communication aimed at achieving a nationwide ceasefire and halting Turkish attacks on civilian and economic infrastructure. As Turkey has also directly participated in the ongoing battles at the Tishrin Dam.
Stability in Syria, and particularly in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, can only be achieved through the cessation of Turkish interference and a full withdrawal from Syria. Turkey is pursuing political, military, and economic control over the entire country, and if it succeeds, our regions will never know stability. It will continue to use its influence to undermine security in North and East Syria. Therefore, we hope the Damascus government will act with national responsibility and resist Turkish pressures. If Turkey is genuinely prepared to resolve the Kurdish issue within its own borders through peaceful means, it would have a profoundly positive impact on the situation in Syria as a whole.
Despite the territorial defeat of ISIS, how serious is the current security threat?
ISIS remains a real threat within Syria, Iraq, and globally. Sleeper cells remain active across North and East Syria and have expanded their operations in the Syrian desert.
The issue of Al-Hol Camp and other detention centers — housing over 10,000 former ISIS fighters — remains unresolved, and the Syrian government lacks the capacity and legitimacy to manage this file. Therefore, this matter remains under the responsibility of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the international coalition against ISIS, with continued strategic military cooperation between them.
Is there a plan for reintegrating former fighters into society?
Yes, we have issued a general amnesty for Syrian detainees not implicated in serious crimes. Many have been released and returned to their communities. Families from Al-Hol have also been allowed to return home.
However, those responsible for crimes must face justice. The international community and the coalition must share responsibility for prosecuting individuals who continue to pose a global security threat.
How would you describe intercommunal relations in North and East Syria?
The AANES has fostered an inclusive environment that encourages peaceful coexistence among Kurds, Arabs, Syriacs, and other communities. Each group enjoys proportional representation within executive, legislative, and judicial structures.
This fair representation, while preserving the uniqueness of each component in terms of education in their language and political practice according to their perspectives, has had a positive impact on the social fabric. We can say that the local community in North and East Syria serves as a unique model in the Middle East, a region that suffers from division and religious and ethnic sensitivities. Through dialogue with other segments of the Syrian population, we aim to export this model to other regions of Syria.
If the intellectual, social, and political perspectives currently present in North and East Syria were applied across all of Syria, the massacres on the Syrian coast would not have occurred, nor would threats have been directed at the Druze in Sweida, or accusations of separatism leveled at the Kurds, or feelings of injustice and revenge among the Sunni population. Therefore, we are in urgent need of transferring the political and social experience we have lived and applied in North and East Syria to the rest of Syria, to achieve a natural state where everyone can peacefully coexist, preserving their identities and uniqueness under a decentralized, pluralistic political system that guarantees these rights.
What steps are being taken to empower women and youth within governance structures?
The current regime in Damascus have significantly marginalized the role of Syrian women and excluded many authentic Syrian social, political, and ethnic groups from managing the state and its institutions. As such, we are working through dialogue and meetings to express our criticisms in various areas, focusing on democratic principles such as the true representation of women in political and social life, and ensuring their rights are guaranteed in the Syrian constitution. We also emphasize the inclusion of the rights of all Syrians, including Kurds, Syriacs, Assyrians, Armenians, Druze, and others, in the constitution. Furthermore, we call for the necessary amendment of the constitutional declaration that was issued previously, and for the inclusion of the aforementioned rights in any future amendments to the constitutional declaration and the transitional government.
This interview was originally published in the sixth issue of +963 online magazine.
