The visit of Syrian Interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa to Washington and his meeting with Donald Trump has triggered wide debate about whether Damascus is moving towards a genuine strategic realignment with the United States or simply executing a temporary tactical step. After decades of severed relations, the visit drew attention to its deeper purpose within American security and political calculations. And although Damascus continues to engage with Moscow and Beijing, the intensity of US–Syrian contact and Washington’s close monitoring of the new authority in Damascus suggest an effort to redefine Syria’s regional and international role.
Dr Samir Al-Taqi argues that Al-Sharaa’s visit “signals a clear strategic shift in Syria’s trajectory towards a position closer to the Western alliance led by the United States – extending beyond the fight against ISIS to confronting all forms of terrorism under the signed agreements”.
Al-Taqi tells +963 that Washington “is moving towards a leading role in rebuilding the Syrian army and strengthening security coordination to manage the complexities of foreign military presence, as well as Israeli and Turkish concerns”. He considers the US the only power capable of handling this balance, given Ankara’s and Tel Aviv’s objections to any other military actor in Syria.
He adds that the American role will remain essential in regulating ceasefire terms – particularly those demanded by Israel, such as restricting Syrian defensive capabilities – alongside continued counter-terrorism cooperation.
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Russia’s place in the shifting landscape
When examining Russia’s position, Al-Taqi says Moscow has suffered major strategic losses in Syria – most notably reduced influence over former president Assad and the erosion of the Syrian army as a force shaped by Russian military doctrine. This loss, he argues, cannot be reversed through new arms deals, especially as Damascus is expected to halt the import of Russian defence systems.
He notes that despite Moscow’s desire to maintain its traditional bases in Syria, it understands that these sites are difficult to defend – weakened resources and the risk of Ukrainian drone attacks leave Russia with little choice but to “buy time”, a policy with diminishing value.
Disputes over debts and compensation, along with Russia’s limited resilience in any regional conflict, make restoring its former influence impossible. European, Turkish and Mediterranean states are unwilling to see Moscow return as a central mediator.
Syrian expectations from Washington
Joshua Landis, Director of the Centre for Middle East Studies at the University of Oklahoma, tells +963 that Al-Sharaa seeks several core objectives from the United States. These include lifting Caesar Act sanctions, securing an agreement with Israel to halt Israeli overflights and strikes on Syrian military sites, restoring occupied territories, and permitting Syrian forces to deploy south of Damascus.
Landis says only Washington can deliver these outcomes. He also notes that Al-Sharaa has distanced himself from China after appointing Uyghur officers to sensitive positions – while maintaining ties with Russia as leverage against Washington or as a fallback if the US disappoints him.
According to Landis, Al-Sharaa knows Israel is the key determinant of US policy – and only the United States holds real influence over Israel. But the extent to which Trump may use that influence for Damascus remains unclear. Landis argues that Al-Sharaa effectively has one option – “to throw himself into Washington’s arms in the hope of gaining concrete rewards”.
He adds that Saudi and Turkish influence in Washington cannot match Israeli weight – increasing Damascus’s reliance on the United States.
Landis concludes that Al-Sharaa is counting on Trump to restrain Israeli power and back a security arrangement preventing attacks or interference in Syria. Yet he questions whether Trump will agree to restrain Israeli ambitions which, he says, aim to keep Syria weak – even as Washington claims it wants Syria to be sovereign and stable.
A repositioning, not an alignment
Syrian researcher on Russian affairs, Taha Abdel-Wahid, tells +963 that the visit does not mean Syria has shifted from a “former socialist camp” to the West. He points to clear fractures within the West itself – especially between Washington and European capitals.
Abdel-Wahid stresses that the Syrian leadership does not seek closed alliances but aims for balanced relations with all states in line with its own interests. He views the visit as part of Syria’s effort to redefine itself and rebuild its external relations while preserving political independence – not as evidence of a new strategic alignment.
Regarding the wider regional balance, Abdel-Wahid says the Syrian–American rapprochement will have definite effects. It could also reshape Syria’s place in US counter-terrorism strategy after America’s withdrawal from Iraq – potentially giving Syria a more prominent regional role through its new relationship with Washington.
On Moscow’s reaction, he says Russia’s adjustment is natural. There is, he notes, a real shift in Russia’s approach to Syria – with ongoing communication and a careful, quiet effort to restructure the relationship. Russia’s priority now is not regaining its former influence but preserving what remains of the historic ties.
He adds that the West – especially the United States – will not oppose Syria maintaining good relations with Russia or China. Trump may even welcome this, viewing it as an opportunity to revive past cooperation with Moscow, such as the arrangement that removed Iran from southern Syria and prevented confrontation between Syria and Israel under the previous regime.
Abdel-Wahid says other files also allow potential cooperation between Trump and the new Syrian leadership – regionally, domestically and in relation to Israel. These issues may benefit Trump politically, enabling him to present himself as a peacemaker restoring stability to the Middle East – alongside long-term economic advantages for the United States or even for Trump personally, as a businessman.
US strategic repositioning
Russian writer and political analyst Roland Begamov tells +963 that the situation is not about switching between socialism and capitalism. “Russia today is not a socialist state – these terms no longer hold real meaning in modern political reality,” he says, adding that such concepts belong to the past.
Begamov concludes that the United States is returning strongly to the region – its influence clearly expanding. Washington seeks to reposition itself and shift its strategic centre of gravity from Iraq to Syria, particularly in the north, by building an arc of military bases stretching from northern Syria through Iraqi Kurdistan to southern Syria and Jordan.
The aim, he notes, is to pressure regional governments in ways that serve American priorities – especially protecting Israel and advancing the Abraham Accords.
He says Syrian policy may gradually shift towards greater cooperation with the US, though not immediately. The interim government focuses above all on survival – using various manoeuvres to manage relations with all major powers, including China, Russia and regional actors such as Turkey.
Begamov emphasises that the interim government will not fully align with Washington. Instead, the relationship will be pragmatic and interest-driven – using a wide margin of manoeuvre to balance strategic policies.
He adds that regional dynamics continue to shift – Iran’s influence in Syria is declining while US influence grows. Still, this does not mean full American dominance, nor is Russian or Chinese influence guaranteed. Washington seeks to remain the principal global and regional player through a pragmatic policy centred on its own interests.
