Geography and history often define a country’s foreign policy, shaping its strategic movements and alliances. This is evident when examining Jordan’s evolving approach toward its strategic northern neighbor, Syria, both during the rule of ousted president Bashar al-Assad and under the current transitional administration led by Ahmad al-Sharaa.
In this context, Jordan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been actively working to stabilize Syria’s political environment, aligning its efforts with broader strategic interests and regional security needs.
On Tuesday, Jordan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates is hosting a joint Jordanian-Syrian-U.S. meeting dedicated to discussing the latest developments in Syria.
Attending the meeting are Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani, U.S. Special Envoy to Syria Thomas Barrack, and representatives from relevant institutions in all three countries.
This meeting builds on earlier talks held in Amman on July 19, 2025, which focused on enforcing a ceasefire in Syria’s southern province of Sweida and exploring ways to address the crisis there.
Jordanian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi is also holding bilateral talks with both al-Shaibani and Barrack to coordinate political pathways and joint action, according to a statement from Jordan’s Foreign Ministry.
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Beyond Diplomacy: Amman’s Strategic Role
This meeting reflects Amman’s understanding of its central role as a bridge between regional and international actors involved in the Syrian file. Jordan’s shared border with southern Syria means any instability in Sweida or nearby areas could directly impact Jordan’s internal security and its northern frontier. The participation of Washington in this tripartite format signals an effort to recalibrate both field and political dynamics in southern Syria and manage the movements of armed or political actors there.
The stakes are heightened by growing competition, and outright conflict, between Turkey and Israel in the wake of the ongoing Israel-Iran war, whose repercussions continue to shape Syria’s political landscape. Southern Syria remains part of a broader regional equation where the interests of Ankara and Tel Aviv intersect, along with overlapping tracks of rivalry and confrontation.
For Jordan, foreign policy toward “the new Syria” is about more than border security. It also seeks to contain regional conflicts that could spill over into southern Syria, preserve existing power balances, and shield the kingdom from direct fallout.
Shared Interests and Strategic Proximity
Syrian writer Ziad al-Rais told +963 that Jordan has had “a significant positive influence on Syrian affairs, both in domestic and foreign policy.”
He noted that Syria and Jordan share several critical concerns, foremost among them Israeli intervention in the region.
According to al-Rais, Israel’s involvement affects both countries, from control over water resources, including the Jordan River, to the appropriation of Syrian and Jordanian water quotas.
He stressed that Israeli activity in southern Syria is a mutual concern due to the countries’ shared border and similar social fabric. Tribal, ethnic, and national ties between Syria and Jordan make them closer than any other neighbors.
Al-Rais pointed out that Syria’s transitional leadership “lacks the institutions, historical experience, and regional knowledge necessary to navigate the complex environment,” making Jordanian support almost inevitable. Jordan’s institutions, he argued, are professional, effective, and capable of offering guidance not just bilaterally, but in managing Syria’s broader regional relationships.
Rebuilding trust between Syria’s communities and its government will require a guarantor with broad acceptance among Syrians. In al-Rais’s view, Jordan holds this position due to its credibility, popular respect, and shared interests with Damascus.
He credited Jordan with playing an active role in international diplomatic efforts to curb Israeli attacks and violations, noting that while other players such as the U.S. and Turkey are involved, Jordan’s contribution has been central.
Al-Rais added that Syria is counting on Jordan’s political and economic influence, as much Arab financial and logistical support, particularly from Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and other Gulf states, passes through Amman.
As Syria prepares for post-war reconstruction, Jordan could serve as its economic gateway. Most international companies and organizations interested in Syria will need to coordinate with Jordanian authorities and maintain offices in the kingdom, given Amman’s proximity to Damascus (just 110 km).
With Syria’s infrastructure unable to accommodate major investment or banking operations, Jordan is also set to be a key export route for Syrian industrial and agricultural goods to Gulf and Egyptian markets.
Al-Rais concluded that strengthening ties through a joint Higher Council headed by both countries’ foreign ministers “would formalize the relationship and reaffirm Jordan’s ongoing role.”
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Clear Agendas
Former Jordanian Minister of Information Samih al-Maaytah emphasized that Jordan does not seek influence in Syria, neither over its foreign policy nor through territorial or political leverage.
He told +963 that Jordan’s agenda operates on two main tracks: first, helping the Syrian state achieve political and economic stability, supporting it in addressing domestic challenges, and providing administrative, technical, and advisory assistance to rebuild after decades of crisis; second, safeguarding Jordan’s own national interests, especially by securing the Syrian border against militias, drug trafficking, and other cross-border criminal activity.
Jordan’s joint work with Syria includes pushing for sanctions relief, an area where Amman has been active with European states and Washington, as well as addressing the political and security situation in southern Syria and advancing bilateral economic cooperation.
Al-Maaytah said Jordan views Syria’s political stability as essential to preserving its territorial unity and avoiding the risks of division or secession, which Amman strongly opposes.
He added that the current foreign policy alignment between Jordan and Syria’s transitional government is close, with no major contradictions on Arab or international issues. Jordan, he said, acts in support of Syria’s sovereignty and stability, not in pursuit of influence.
Security-Driven Engagement
Syrian writer Firas Alawi noted that Jordan–Syria relations are tightly linked to broader international and regional dynamics: “Any impact on one side is immediately felt by the other.”
He explained that Jordan’s approach to Syria is rooted in national security concerns, followed by its role as an Arab state committed to regional solidarity.
In the past, Amman’s dealings with the Assad regime were focused on containing security threats such as drug smuggling and cross-border instability. Today, this has evolved into coordinated efforts with Syria’s transitional authorities to stabilize “the new Syria” and protect regional stability.
Alawi concluded that the shared border, both geographically and politically, forces Jordan to remain deeply engaged in securing stability inside Syria to contain unrest and prevent threats from spilling over into its own territory.
