As the Syrian government under President Ahmad Al-Shara attempts to rebuild the state after more than a decade of brutal war that began in 2011, the question of creating a shared national identity has emerged as one of the country’s most pressing political and social challenges. In this context, the experiences of countries like Malaysia, Canada, and Switzerland stand out as inspiring models of how to turn deep cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity into a source of strength and stability.
Constitutional Recognition: The Starting Point
These models highlight that the first step toward building a cohesive national identity is constitutional recognition of cultural, linguistic, and religious diversity, a foundation Syria still lacks.
In Canada, multiculturalism was enshrined in the constitution in 1982. In Malaysia, the government adopted the “New Economic Policy” after the 1969 riots, boosting the economic participation of indigenous Malays from just 2.4% in 1970 to over 19% by 1990. Meanwhile, Switzerland has operated under a federal system since 1848, made up of 26 cantons and official recognition of four national languages.
Political analyst Tareq Ajib told +963 that building a modern Syrian identity cannot rise on sectarian or ideological foundations. “National identity means full citizenship for every individual, regardless of religion, ethnicity, or sect,” he says, warning that repeating the legacy of the security state and empty slogans will only deepen divisions.
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Education and Culture: Seeds of Tolerance
Education and cultural policy have been central to promoting tolerance and coexistence in both Canada and Malaysia. In Malaysia, national traditions like “open houses” allow all communities to celebrate religious holidays together in a shared space. Inclusive education and economic participation reinforce this pluralism.
In Canada, curricula encourage acceptance and civic engagement, while institutions like the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police RCMP enshrine citizenship as a unifying principle beyond race or faith.
Syrian academic Fayez Nayef Al-Qantar, now based in France, argues that Syria’s future must rely on building a state rooted in equal citizenship, freedom, and democratic principles. He says the former regime entrenched sectarianism as a tool of control, tearing apart Syria’s social fabric. “Only a democratic political project that truly acknowledges diversity and protects freedoms can enable national recovery,” he told +963.
Flexible Federalism: Protecting Local Identities
Federalism has helped manage regional identities in Canada and Switzerland without threatening national unity. Quebec’s repeated calls for independence, for example, have been defused through cultural and linguistic recognition rather than repression. In Switzerland, federalism and consensus-based democracy enable power-sharing and respect for local differences, underpinning long-term stability.
Still, Ajib cautions that blindly importing these ideas to Syria would be “utopian and emotional.” He believes federalism could be viable only with constitutional protection to prevent fragmentation while ensuring equal citizenship in all regions. By contrast, Al-Qantar rejects federalism altogether, fearing it would pave the way for Syria’s disintegration. Instead, he supports a “flexible centralized system” that grants real local powers without compromising territorial unity.
Digital Identity: Rebuilding Trust
One innovative lesson from Malaysia is its National Digital Identity (NDID) program, which made public services more accessible and transparent, rebuilding trust between citizens and the state. In Syria’s post-conflict context, a modern, secure identity system could help mend a deeply fractured social contract.
National Reconciliation and Social Justice
Switzerland’s history shows how genuine reconciliation can hold a diverse society together. These international experiences demonstrate that social justice, equality, and equal opportunity are not just economic goals, they are essential for knitting back the national fabric.
Ajib insists that transitional justice must apply to all without exception: “You can’t build a state on selective pardons or blanket impunity. Justice must reach everyone equally.” For him, restoring security and boosting the economy are the first steps toward convincing Syrians to reinvest in the state.
Read also: From Sanctions to Normalization: Will Al-Sharaa Sacrifice the Golan for Peace?
Syria’s Chance to Redefine Its Identity
The lessons from abroad resonate deeply in Syria’s own context. Arabs make up around 80% of the population, followed by Kurds (8–13%), with Assyrians, Turkmen, Druze, Alawites, and Christians making up the rest. The Christian population, for example, fell from 2.2 million before the war to fewer than 700,000 today. If wisely managed, this could become Syria’s greatest strength.
Al-Qantar believes Syria’s cultural and linguistic common ground is even deeper than in places like Canada or Switzerland. With the right political framework, Syrians could overcome sectarian divisions and rebuild their long-standing national identity. “When people are busy building and freely participating in politics, sectarianism and quotas become relics of the past. Syria’s national identity, rooted for over a century, can heal and thrive,” he says.
Ultimately, these global examples show that strengthening national identity is not about forcing everyone to be the same, but about smart, inclusive governance that turns diversity into unity. For Syria, this could be a realistic roadmap to a future defined by coexistence, equality, and genuine national reconciliation.
