{"id":41029,"date":"2026-01-17T11:02:27","date_gmt":"2026-01-17T11:02:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/?p=41029"},"modified":"2026-01-17T11:02:27","modified_gmt":"2026-01-17T11:02:27","slug":"the-kurdish-question-in-post-war-syria","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/17\/01\/2026\/the-kurdish-question-in-post-war-syria\/","title":{"rendered":"The Kurdish Question in Post-War Syria\u00a0\u00a0"},"content":{"rendered":"

More than a decade after the outbreak of Syria\u2019s popular uprising and the ensuing civil war, the question of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) has emerged as one of the most consequential and contested issues shaping the country\u2019s future. For some, it represents a pragmatic model of local governance and participatory rule within a unified Syrian state. For others, it has become a focal point in broader struggles over power, identity, and the distribution of resources.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria took shape in the early years of the conflict, following the withdrawal of regime forces from predominantly Kurdish and mixed Kurdish\u2013Arab areas in the north-east. This vacuum enabled local actors to build political, administrative, and security institutions that have since evolved into a decentralised governance model, often described as participatory and multi-ethnic. Despite its longevity and territorial reach, the administration remains unrecognised by Damascus and by major international powers, save for limited engagement by certain foreign parliaments and institutions.<\/span><\/p>\n

Today, the issue is inseparable from renewed political and military tensions on the ground. North-east Syria has witnessed escalating frictions between Kurdish-led forces backed by the United States and the Syrian army aligned with the interim government. Attempts to integrate the institutions of the autonomous administration and its armed forces into a reconstituted central state have repeatedly stalled, while armed confrontations and mutual accusations have intensified. Against this backdrop, Syrian politicians and researchers are sharply divided over whether the AANES can be sustained as part of a comprehensive national settlement, integrated into a new state framework, or left to persist as one of the most volatile fault lines of the post-war order.<\/span><\/p>\n

A Campaign Targeting AANES<\/b><\/h2>\n

Sherzad Al-Yazidi, a Kurdish writer and political researcher based in Erbil, argues in comments to <\/span>+963<\/b> that the current reality in north-east Syria did not emerge merely as a stopgap response to state collapse. Rather, he traces its origins to the liberation of these areas from the Assad regime beginning in 2012, in the context of the 19 July revolution that first erupted in Kobani.<\/span><\/p>\n

Al-Yazidi notes that the region, which comprises nearly 30 per cent of Syria\u2019s territory, has been administered for over a decade by the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. He emphasises that this governance model is built on power-sharing among Kurds, Arabs, and Syriac communities, and encompasses a wide spectrum of political and social orientations. Administratively, it operates through civilian institutions, alongside political frameworks such as the Syrian Democratic Council, while the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) serve as its military arm, supported by internal security forces and other security bodies.<\/span><\/p>\n

According to Al-Yazidi, the administration\u2019s demands extend beyond constitutional recognition, important though that may be. At their core lies a claim to genuine participation in shaping Syria\u2019s transitional phase and drafting a future constitution. Following the fall of Bashar al-Assad\u2019s regime, he argues, Syrians should have collectively embarked on building a truly inclusive transitional order and a consensual democratic constitution.<\/span><\/p>\n

Instead, he contends, the opposite has occurred. Power, in his view, has been monopolised through unilateral structures tailored to the authority of Ahmad al-Sharaa (also known as Abu Mohammad al-Jolani), beginning with the so-called \u201cVictory Conference\u201d, followed by a controlled national dialogue, a constitutional declaration, the formation of a government, and ultimately what he describes as a hollow parliament. These steps, Al-Yazidi argues, replicate the authoritarian practices of Baathist rule rather than laying the foundations for democratic transformation.<\/span><\/p>\n

He stresses that Kurdish rights cannot be reduced to symbolic constitutional acknowledgement. Kurds, he insists, must be equal partners in constitution-making, alongside all political forces and social components. Any constitutional settlement, he argues, must explicitly enshrine a democratic, pluralistic, and decentralised state. Decentralisation itself may take various forms \u2013 federalism, self-rule, or autonomous administrations \u2013 but the principle, rather than the specific model, is what matters. Without a clear framework for sharing power, wealth, and resources, Syria risks reproducing authoritarianism under a new guise.<\/span><\/p>\n

Al-Yazidi is sharply critical of recent statements by Ahmad al-Sharaa, accusing him of portraying himself as the sole source of authority, distributing rights and privileges as personal favours. In such a context, he argues, talk of participatory constitutions and democratic guarantees borders on illusion, particularly when advanced by figures with jihadist backgrounds who now design institutions to suit their own power while governing with a mentality of spoils and patronage.<\/span><\/p>\n

From this perspective, the autonomous administration represents the principal obstacle to what Al-Yazidi describes as Hay\u2019at Tahrir al-Sham\u2019s project of constructing a centralised, exclusionary Islamist authority. He warns that continued international ambiguity \u2013 especially following ethnically motivated killings of Kurds in Aleppo and Deir Hafer, alongside ongoing military build-ups \u2013 risks emboldening the new authorities to pursue rolling conflicts from the coast to Suwayda and into the north-east.<\/span><\/p>\n

He further argues that the 10 March agreement has effectively been emptied of substance, noting that al-Sharaa himself has stated that it is not binding. Previous reversals on local agreements in Aleppo, Al-Yazidi adds, underscore a pattern of interpreting negotiations as demands for disarmament and unconditional submission, coupled with vague promises of constitutional rights.<\/span><\/p>\n

In this context, he warns that both the autonomous administration and the SDF face the prospect of direct targeting by Damascus, with Turkish backing. While he stops short of calling for a formal withdrawal from existing agreements, he urges at least a suspension of implementation as a political and moral stance and calls on international guarantors to shoulder their responsibilities.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read also: Can fighting ISIS ease tensions between Damascus and the SDF?<\/a>
\n<\/strong><\/p>\n

Negotiation and Administrative Decentralisation as a Realistic Path<\/b><\/h2>\n

Offering a more cautious assessment, Tarek Ziad Wahbi, a France-based researcher in international relations, tells <\/span>+963<\/b> that the Kurdish situation in Syria has not undergone a sudden transformation, but rather reflects a longer trajectory that began in 2011. This trajectory, he argues, must be understood against a backdrop of systematic marginalisation dating back to the founding of the Syrian state and deepened under Baathist rule.<\/span><\/p>\n

Wahbi recalls that successive governments imposed restrictions on the Kurdish language and personal status, relegating Kurds to a secondary position within the state. The emergence of the SDF and Kurdish civil organisations, he argues, altered this equation by introducing new power balances grounded in military effectiveness and organisational capacity.<\/span><\/p>\n

He maintains that the AANES is not merely a by-product of sovereign collapse, but also the outcome of prior political and military experience, including lessons drawn from Kurdish movements in neighbouring countries, particularly Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers\u2019 Party (PKK). This experience, combined with support from the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, enabled the formation of a centralised Kurdish leadership capable of strategic planning.<\/span><\/p>\n

According to Wahbi, Kurdish demands rest on three pillars: autonomous administration within Syrian sovereignty; administrative, rather than political, decentralisation coupled with national political participation; and integration into the defence of the state through recognised military structures, in order to avoid accusations of secessionism.<\/span><\/p>\n

He argues that the current Syrian reality necessitates sustained negotiation and consistent emphasis on the absence of separatist intentions, while highlighting the centrality of the Kurdish component within Syrian society. The primary challenges ahead, he suggests, lie in consolidating democratic practices, from freedom of expression to political participation, and in modernising legal frameworks to enable constructive interaction with the central state.<\/span><\/p>\n

Wahbi cautions that political divisions need not be destructive if managed wisely, and urges learning from Kurdish experiences elsewhere in the region. At the same time, he warns that excessive reliance on external support against Damascus could undermine political moderation, as international relations are ultimately governed by interests rather than principles.<\/span><\/p>\n

Crucially, he identifies Turkey \u2013 rather than the United States \u2013 as the most significant external threat to any accommodation between the autonomous administration and the Syrian government, arguing that Ankara remains intent on settling its scores with Kurdish political movements. He concludes by stressing the importance of robust Kurdish participation in drafting Syria\u2019s new constitution, ensuring respect for ethnic and religious diversity, and avoiding exclusionary nationalism. A form of regional parliamentary representation with constitutionally defined powers, he suggests, could offer a sustainable model of governance within a unified Syrian state.<\/span><\/p>\n

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More than a decade after the outbreak of Syria\u2019s popular uprising and the ensuing civil war, the question of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) has emerged as one of the most consequential and contested issues shaping the country\u2019s future. For some, it represents a pragmatic model of local governance and participatory […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":107,"featured_media":41030,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"format":"standard","override":[{"template":"1","single_blog_custom":"0","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"1","layout":"left-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"float","share_float_style":"share-normal","show_share_counter":"1","show_view_counter":"1","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"g:i a 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future"},"jnews_primary_category":[],"jnews_override_counter":{"view_counter_number":"0","share_counter_number":"0","like_counter_number":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":{"post_split":[{"template":"1","tag":"h2","numbering":"asc","mode":"normal","first":"0","enable_toc":"0","toc_type":"normal"}]},"footnotes":""},"categories":[430,19],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[390],"class_list":["post-41029","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-insights","category-slider"],"yoast_head":"\nThe Kurdish Question in Post-War Syria\u00a0\u00a0 - 963+<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"An in-depth opinion analysis of the future of Kurdish Autonomous Administration in Syria \u2013 between national partnership, decentralisation, and renewed risks of exclusion amid shifting power dynamics.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link 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