{"id":40933,"date":"2026-01-05T20:24:15","date_gmt":"2026-01-05T20:24:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/?p=40933"},"modified":"2026-01-05T20:24:15","modified_gmt":"2026-01-05T20:24:15","slug":"decentralisation-in-syria-between-national-unity-and-social-justice","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/05\/01\/2026\/decentralisation-in-syria-between-national-unity-and-social-justice\/","title":{"rendered":"Decentralisation in Syria: Between National Unity and Social Justice"},"content":{"rendered":"

Syria finds itself at an unprecedented political juncture, one in which questions of statehood, authority, and identity intersect with a fractured social reality and a long legacy of authoritarianism and war. A state exhausted by years of conflict, its institutions eroded and its social fabric torn, now faces a central question no less critical than civil peace or reconstruction: which model of governance can preserve national unity, regenerate legitimacy, and establish a new relationship between the state and society?<\/span><\/p>\n

The debate over decentralisation is no longer an intellectual luxury or a detached academic exercise. It has become integral to Syria\u2019s political discourse on the future of the state. Between those who see decentralisation as an entry point for rebuilding trust and broadening participation, and those who fear it could become a gateway to fragmentation or renewed conflict, proposals multiply and concepts overlap \u2013 reflecting the depth of uncertainty surrounding the post-regime phase.<\/span><\/p>\n

Conceptual ambiguity and terminological confusion<\/b><\/h2>\n

Approaching this debate, researcher Tareq Watfa points to clear conceptual ambiguity surrounding decentralisation. In comments to <\/span>+963<\/b>, he explains that \u201cadministrative decentralisation means sharing administrative functions only between the central government and local administrative units\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

He contrasts this with federalism, which he defines as \u201ca constitutional arrangement based on the distribution of the three functions of governance \u2013 legislative, executive, and judicial \u2013 between the central government and regional governments\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Watfa explains that, in a federal system, this distribution goes beyond transferring certain executive powers, granting regions full constitutional authority, whereby \u201ceach region has its own constitution and legislative, executive, and judicial powers, with competencies defined by the federal constitution\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

He further notes that regions \u201chave the right to participate in federal decision-making on matters of shared interest, most notably through the legislative process via a second parliamentary chamber\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

In this context, Watfa argues that terms such as \u201cexpanded decentralisation\u201d or \u201cpolitical decentralisation\u201d remain problematic, as \u201clegal and administrative scholarship has not settled on unified definitions for them\u201d. He suggests these terms are often used to describe the degree of autonomy and scope of powers granted to local units, rather than clearly defined constitutional models.<\/span><\/p>\n

This perspective aligns with that of governance researcher Zaidoun Al-Zoubi, who describes the prevailing discourse as marked by \u201csevere terminological confusion\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Al-Zoubi stresses to <\/span>+963<\/b> that \u201cthere is no such thing as administrative, modified, expanded, or political decentralisation in the way these terms are commonly used\u201d, considering such classifications imprecise.<\/span><\/p>\n

Forms of decentralisation and their dimensions<\/b><\/h2>\n

Al-Zoubi explains that decentralisation, according to administrative and legal literature, falls into \u201cthree main forms \u2013 the weakest being deconcentration, the intermediate being delegation, and the strongest being devolution, which is regulated by constitutional and legal frameworks\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

He argues that the core of the debate should not revolve around labels, but rather around the substance and limits of transferred powers.<\/span><\/p>\n

Al-Zoubi identifies three fundamental dimensions of decentralisation. The first is political \u2013 who represents the local community: elected or appointed authorities. The second is financial \u2013 the ability of local authorities to raise resources through taxes and fees. The third is administrative \u2013 empowering local bodies to formulate plans, budgets, and appointments.<\/span><\/p>\n

Describing the Syrian reality, Al-Zoubi offers a practical example: \u201cToday in Syria, the governor is appointed, yet cannot appoint a director of health or tourism, because the ministry retains that authority\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

He adds: \u201cWe also have elected provincial councils, but they lack real financial or administrative powers\u201d, concluding that \u201cSyria\u2019s system remains administratively, financially, and politically centralised\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read also: Russia and Israel Test the Balance in Southern Syria<\/a>
\n<\/strong><\/p>\n

Governance models: administrative versus political<\/b><\/h2>\n

From a political perspective, Syrian politician Akram Shamo explains to <\/span>+963<\/b> the differences between decentralisation models, stating that \u201cadministrative decentralisation involves transferring limited service and executive powers to local units, while the central authority retains sovereign and legislative decision-making\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

He emphasises that this model \u201caims primarily to improve administrative efficiency without undermining state unity or sovereign structures\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

In the same vein, Shamo notes that \u201cmodified or expanded administrative decentralisation represents an intermediate model, granting broader financial and planning powers to local administrations and strengthening elected councils, while maintaining unified sovereignty and political decision-making\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

This model, he argues, is often seen as more responsive to social diversity without generating political confrontation or threatening national unity.<\/span><\/p>\n

As for political decentralisation, Shamo explains that it \u201cgrants regions political, legislative, and constitutional powers within a single state, potentially taking the form of federalism or extensive autonomy\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

He considers it \u201cin principle the most just and sustainable formula for managing multi-ethnic and multi-component states\u201d, provided it is regulated by \u201ca clear constitution and unified sovereign institutions that prevent fragmentation\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Post-regime collapse and the new political reality<\/b><\/h2>\n

Linking this debate to recent political shifts, Tareq Watfa notes that the fall of Bashar al-Assad\u2019s regime opened the door to competing visions of the state. He observes that the current authority \u201cleans towards a centralised system and views federalism as a call for division\u201d, while \u201cother authorities on the ground advocate federalism or decentralisation, considering them the only way to preserve Syria\u2019s unity\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Watfa warns that \u201cestablishing a centralised system today, amid weak or absent trust between the current government and certain forces, communities, and regions, could push the country towards civil war or partition\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Conversely, he argues that \u201cadopting an expanded decentralised or federal system may hinder state-building and reconstruction, due to limited political and administrative expertise, uneven financial capacities, and varying levels of destruction across regions\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Emotional debate or institutional pathway?<\/b><\/h2>\n

Syrian writer Mohammad Hallaq Al-Jarf links the surge in decentralisation debates to the regime\u2019s collapse in December 2024, noting that \u201cpolitical, security, and social factors have driven Syrians to place decentralisation on the table\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, he believes the debate \u201cremains emotionally charged rather than a calm, institutional discussion\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Al-Jarf cautions against presenting decentralisation as a magic solution, explaining that \u201cits forms and consequences differ profoundly\u201d, and that \u201cuncontrolled terminology risks political misunderstanding and unproductive social polarisation\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Internal and external challenges<\/b><\/h2>\n

Regarding obstacles, Watfa identifies several internal challenges, foremost among them \u201cthe nature of the current authority as a unilaterally inclined power with a military background that distrusts others\u201d, alongside \u201chate speech, retaliatory and terrorist acts, entrenched social divisions, and delays in transitional justice\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

He also points to external factors, notably \u201cregional and international competition over Syria and the resulting interventions and dominance\u201d, as well as \u201cIsrael\u2019s interest in keeping Syria weak or fragmented\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Similarly, Al-Jarf argues that \u201cstate fragility, the militarisation of most regional actors, and the absence of trust among social stakeholders\u201d necessitate \u201cstrengthening the central state, rebuilding the army on national foundations, and ensuring equal citizenship and the rule of law\u201d, in parallel with \u201cadopting a modified administrative decentralisation firmly anchored in a clear and robust constitution\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Syria finds itself at an unprecedented political juncture, one in which questions of statehood, authority, and identity intersect with a fractured social reality and a long legacy of authoritarianism and war. A state exhausted by years of conflict, its institutions eroded and its social fabric torn, now faces a central question no less critical than […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":102,"featured_media":40934,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"format":"standard","override":[{"template":"1","single_blog_custom":"0","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"1","layout":"left-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"float","share_float_style":"share-normal","show_share_counter":"1","show_view_counter":"1","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"g:i a d\/m\/Y","post_reading_time_wpm":"300","post_calculate_word_method":"str_word_count","show_zoom_button":"1","zoom_button_out_step":"5","zoom_button_in_step":"4","show_post_tag":"1","number_popup_post":"1","show_post_related":"1"}],"image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"crop-500","single_post_gallery_size":"crop-500"}],"trending_post_position":"meta","trending_post_label":"Trending","sponsored_post_label":"Sponsored by","disable_ad":"0","subtitle":"New Syria and Governance Choices \u2013 Can Decentralisation Become a Threshold for Trust Among Syrians?"},"jnews_primary_category":[],"jnews_override_counter":{"view_counter_number":"0","share_counter_number":"0","like_counter_number":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":{"post_split":[{"template":"1","tag":"h2","numbering":"asc","mode":"normal","first":"0","enable_toc":"0","toc_type":"normal"}]},"footnotes":""},"categories":[19],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[395],"class_list":["post-40933","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-slider"],"yoast_head":"\nDecentralisation in Syria: Between National Unity and Social Justice - 963+<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/05\/01\/2026\/decentralisation-in-syria-between-national-unity-and-social-justice\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Decentralisation in Syria: Between National Unity and Social Justice\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Syria finds itself at an unprecedented political juncture, one in which questions of statehood, authority, and identity intersect with a fractured social reality and a long legacy of authoritarianism and war. 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