{"id":40471,"date":"2025-11-24T14:45:21","date_gmt":"2025-11-24T14:45:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/?p=40471"},"modified":"2025-11-24T15:28:02","modified_gmt":"2025-11-24T15:28:02","slug":"turkey-opposes-normalisation-between-syria-and-israel","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/24\/11\/2025\/turkey-opposes-normalisation-between-syria-and-israel\/","title":{"rendered":"Turkey Opposes Normalisation Between Syria and Israel"},"content":{"rendered":"

Since the establishment of Israel in 1948, the relationship between Syria and Israel has remained one of the most complex and sensitive issues in the region \u2013 a \u201cexistential struggle\u201d central to Syrian political discourse under both Hafez and Bashar al-Assad.<\/span><\/p>\n

Hafez al-Assad did not treat the Palestinian issue as purely national or pan-Arab \u2013 rather, he wielded it as a political instrument to strengthen his regional influence and control over Palestinian decision-making. Syrian support for specific factions was conditional upon their full compliance with Damascus\u2019 directives, and opposition to others was shaped by strategic interests rather than ideology.<\/span><\/p>\n

Despite Syria\u2019s decades-long official narrative of perpetual confrontation with Israel, Tel Aviv proposed a comprehensive peace agreement in the 1990s under Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. This offer envisaged a full withdrawal from the Golan Heights in exchange for formal diplomatic recognition and normalisation. Assad delayed and negotiated, not out of principled commitment to \u201cnational\u201d ideals, but to preserve leverage with global powers, particularly the United States. The Palestinian issue thus became both a tool for domestic control and a pillar of Syria\u2019s regional positioning \u2013 allowing Assad to maintain authority while diverting attention from internal affairs.<\/span><\/p>\n

After 1948, Syria hosted tens of thousands of Palestinian refugees across multiple camps, providing support to various factions as part of a broader political-military strategy to sustain its regional role in the Arab\u2013Israeli conflict.<\/span><\/p>\n

Following the fall of Assad\u2019s regime in December 2024, questions resurfaced regarding the future of Syrian\u2013Israeli relations and the potential for a shift from long-standing stalemate to normalisation, against the backdrop of profound regional transformations.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read also: How Washington Handles Israel\u2019s Rising Demands in Southern Syria<\/a>
\n<\/strong><\/p>\n

The interim authorities in Damascus have avoided discussing direct normalisation. Yet, the first Syrian\u2013Israeli security meeting took place in Baku in December, followed by a statement from interim President Ahmad Al-Sharaa, describing the emerging security understanding as \u201cnot optional but necessary\u201d \u2013 signalling the limited options available to the authorities in this sensitive arena.<\/span><\/p>\n

Despite international and regional support, Syria\u2019s new government remains vulnerable, particularly because direct normalisation with Israel remains politically and strategically unpalatable. The old Assad approach \u2013 secretive or informal relations \u2013 is no longer viable, especially following Israel\u2019s operations against Iran-affiliated groups in the region, including Hamas and Hezbollah. Israel today is more confident and assertive, bolstered by military achievements since 7 October and successive Abraham Accords with regional states, most recently Kazakhstan.<\/span><\/p>\n

Today, the normalisation question resurfaces under markedly different circumstances. Washington and London are pressing Damascus to engage in a \u201cpeace track\u201d, while Ankara actively seeks to prevent Sharrah from pursuing direct Israeli relations. Turkey views any Syrian\u2013Israeli agreement as a threat to its geopolitical and commercial influence in the Middle East. A normalised Syria could regain regional leverage \u2013 particularly as a potential energy transit corridor to Europe \u2013 thereby diminishing Ankara\u2019s historical role and strategic leverage, built over decades through its northern Syrian interventions.<\/span><\/p>\n

Turkey also fears that Syrian\u2013Israeli normalisation will generate new regional alignments that marginalise its influence and recalibrate its relations with the West. Ankara\u2019s approach has been consistent \u2013 obstructing potential rapprochement by supporting factions opposed to normalisation, tying its economic and security interests to anti-peace actors, leveraging its military presence in northern Syria, and stoking concerns over Kurdish empowerment or Israeli intelligence penetration in southern Syria.<\/span><\/p>\n

In sum, Ankara does not see Syrian\u2013Israeli normalisation as a pathway to regional stability \u2013 rather, it is perceived as a direct threat to Turkey\u2019s political and strategic position. Consequently, Turkey prefers to maintain the current stalemate in Syria \u2013 no decisive war, no formal peace \u2013 ensuring its continued role as an indispensable actor in any future settlement.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of +963.<\/b><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Since the establishment of Israel in 1948, the relationship between Syria and Israel has remained one of the most complex and sensitive issues in the region \u2013 a \u201cexistential struggle\u201d central to Syrian political discourse under both Hafez and Bashar al-Assad. Hafez al-Assad did not treat the Palestinian issue as purely national or pan-Arab \u2013 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":145,"featured_media":40472,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"format":"standard","override":[{"template":"1","single_blog_custom":"0","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"1","layout":"left-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"float","share_float_style":"share-normal","show_share_counter":"1","show_view_counter":"1","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"g:i a d\/m\/Y","post_reading_time_wpm":"300","post_calculate_word_method":"str_word_count","show_zoom_button":"1","zoom_button_out_step":"5","zoom_button_in_step":"4","show_post_tag":"1","number_popup_post":"1","show_post_related":"1"}],"image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"crop-500","single_post_gallery_size":"crop-500"}],"trending_post_position":"meta","trending_post_label":"Trending","sponsored_post_label":"Sponsored by","disable_ad":"0","subtitle":"Ankara opposes direct Syrian\u2013Israeli ties, keeping the region in a cautious stalemate\u00a0"},"jnews_primary_category":[],"jnews_override_counter":{"view_counter_number":"0","share_counter_number":"0","like_counter_number":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":{"post_split":[{"template":"1","tag":"h2","numbering":"asc","mode":"normal","first":"0","enable_toc":"0","toc_type":"normal"}]},"footnotes":""},"categories":[382,19],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[441],"class_list":["post-40471","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinions","category-slider"],"yoast_head":"\nTurkey Opposes Normalisation Between Syria and Israel - 963+<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Ankara views potential Syrian\u2013Israeli Normalisation as a threat to its regional influence, favouring a controlled stalemate over direct peace.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" 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