{"id":40468,"date":"2025-11-24T09:11:27","date_gmt":"2025-11-24T09:11:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/?p=40468"},"modified":"2025-11-24T09:11:27","modified_gmt":"2025-11-24T09:11:27","slug":"political-power-sharing-in-syria-why-implementation-still-falters","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/24\/11\/2025\/political-power-sharing-in-syria-why-implementation-still-falters\/","title":{"rendered":"Political Power-Sharing in Syria: Why Implementation Still Falters"},"content":{"rendered":"

Political participation in the governance of post-conflict Syria has become one of the core requirements of the transitional phase. After the fall of the former regime, the need has grown for a genuine partnership between the country\u2019s political forces and social components, with the aim of overcoming the legacy of unilateral state rule.<\/span><\/p>\n

Amid mounting political and social pressures \u2013 particularly in Suwayda and the Syrian coast \u2013 the importance of a participatory approach has come increasingly to the fore. Such a model is seen as essential to creating a stable state, rebuilding trust between society and the authorities, and allowing citizens to influence decision-making, away from monopolisation of power or domination by any single group.<\/span><\/p>\n

Although a technocratic interim government has been formed, criticism has focused on the appointment process and the absence of a balanced distribution of authority, especially while some sovereign files remain under the control of non-state actors.<\/span><\/p>\n

Syria must now shift, as interim President Ahmad Al-Sharaa has repeatedly argued, from the logic of \u201crevolution\u201d to the logic of \u201cstate\u201d. This requires unifying military and security institutions under legitimate national authority and launching comprehensive constitutional and legislative reform to rebalance relations between the centre and the periphery.<\/span><\/p>\n

Syrian writer and political analyst Darwish Khalifa tells <\/span>+963<\/b> that the current phase has emerged amid regional and international efforts to manage crises that have once again shaken the foundations of Syrian society and the Syrian state. He adds that the security disturbances seen in the coast, Jaramana and Sahnaya, and ultimately in Suwayda, created deep fractures between certain communities and the Syrian government, bringing matters close to a standstill as a result of Israeli intervention and the regionalisation of the Suwayda file in favour of external agendas.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read also: Why Syria Can\u2019t Unite Its Forces Before a New Constitution<\/a>
\n<\/strong><\/p>\n

Managed tension under March agreement<\/b><\/h2>\n

Khalifa notes that the north-east is also experiencing tension, albeit of a contained nature following the 10 March agreement signed between President Al-Sharaa and Mazloum Abdi, commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces, under US sponsorship and French follow-up. While the deal helps to curb certain flashpoints in the short term, he stresses that it does not remove the need for a comprehensive solution.<\/span><\/p>\n

He argues that the stability of any republican system requires both political and popular legitimacy \u2013 something that can only be obtained through national consensus or genuine elections that deliver an elected president or a parliament capable of responding to citizens\u2019 demands for improved living conditions. The current authorities may not yet possess a complete vision, he says, yet they are working to define the parameters of a national compact that could rebuild trust between state and society.<\/span><\/p>\n

Following the Suwayda events, which he interprets as a clear rejection of marginalisation and political monopolisation, Khalifa believes the need for genuine partnership is more urgent than ever. These developments revealed the depth of the rift between society and the governing apparatus, and the refusal of Syrian communities to continue as bystanders or victims.<\/span><\/p>\n

Khalifa underscores the need to acknowledge significant domestic and external challenges. Internally, radical voices continue to oppose engagement in any inclusive national project. Externally, regional powers pursue their own interests at the expense of Syrian national priorities, while some Israeli officials now behave as though they are custodians of Suwayda\u2019s Druze community \u2013 something he sees as an infringement of national sovereignty.<\/span><\/p>\n

Khalifa argues that the presence of US envoy Thomas Brack carries particular importance in relaying Washington\u2019s position to Damascus and in supporting efforts to resolve internal disputes ahead of a new stage. This stage, he says, encompasses counterterrorism, agreement on the issue of foreign fighters, and the development of a roadmap for shared political participation and decision-making built on voluntary coexistence rather than coercion or emergency measures.<\/span><\/p>\n

On 13 November, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said that Syrians want a national government representing all components of society and providing a sense of safety, adding that \u201cevery element of Syrian society will be represented in the Syrian government\u201d and that the United States wishes to give the transitional administration a real opportunity to succeed, so as to avoid civil war. He warned that failure \u2013 whether intentional or not \u2013 could push Syria into widespread internal conflict, turning the country into an ungovernable space and a platform for extremist organisations and other dangerous actors.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read also: How Washington Handles Israel\u2019s Rising Demands in Southern Syria<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

Partnership as a governmental responsibility<\/b><\/h2>\n

Dr Khaled al-Azzi, professor of international relations and foreign policy, tells <\/span>+963 <\/b>that the Syrian government bears responsibility for widening political participation by integrating national elites from all communities, although demographic realities make it impossible for some groups to obtain half of all government positions.<\/span><\/p>\n

He argues that any future government must include the broadest possible Sunni representation, and that once the constitutional process is initiated, participation will become necessary for all communities \u2013 particularly the Sunni majority. Representation today, he insists, must be based on citizenship rather than sectarian affiliation, as sectarian notions of majority and minority have now been overtaken by events.<\/span><\/p>\n

Al-Azzi maintains that symbolic partnership will not resolve Syria\u2019s political crisis. What is needed is a fundamental solution, beginning with the removal of the \u201cminority\u201d concept that the former regime used as a tool to secure control over the majority. True partnership, he says, lies in future-oriented vision and national production, just as occurred in the early stages of the Syrian revolution when broad social cooperation emerged against the Assad regime \u2013 cooperation that should now serve to build a new Syria.<\/span><\/p>\n

He identifies numerous obstacles, including ethnic and nationalist fragmentation, Iran\u2019s influence and interventions, Israeli attempts to manipulate stability, and Sunni extremism rooted in decades of repression. He argues that Syria\u2019s reintegration into its regional environment, reconstruction, and the return of capital and skilled labour are all necessary steps to achieve comprehensive economic and social development.<\/span><\/p>\n

According to al-Azzi, Western support is important in shielding Syria from Russian, Iranian and Israeli ambitions, but it will not suffice unless Syria itself builds a strong and stable state capable of protecting its citizens. The return of refugees \u2013 particularly those with expertise and investment capacity \u2013 is essential to rebuilding industry, tourism and local development.<\/span><\/p>\n

Al-Azzi concludes that genuine participation is not defined by the distribution of ministerial positions, but by the distribution of development and wealth. Each region \u2013 the coast, the Jazira, Hauran, Aleppo \u2013 has its own potential contribution to a wider national economy, from tourism and natural resources to agricultural production and foreign trade. The transitional government, he says, is the first step towards a state built on strong political parties and development-focused programmes rather than sectarian loyalties. Governments may change \u2013 but the citizen and the state remain \u2013 and rights must be guaranteed to individuals rather than sects, as is the case in democratic states such as France and Germany.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Political participation in the governance of post-conflict Syria has become one of the core requirements of the transitional phase. After the fall of the former regime, the need has grown for a genuine partnership between the country\u2019s political forces and social components, with the aim of overcoming the legacy of unilateral state rule. Amid mounting […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":116,"featured_media":40469,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"format":"standard","override":[{"template":"1","single_blog_custom":"0","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"1","layout":"left-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"float","share_float_style":"share-normal","show_share_counter":"1","show_view_counter":"1","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"g:i a d\/m\/Y","post_reading_time_wpm":"300","post_calculate_word_method":"str_word_count","show_zoom_button":"1","zoom_button_out_step":"5","zoom_button_in_step":"4","show_post_tag":"1","number_popup_post":"1","show_post_related":"1"}],"image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"crop-500","single_post_gallery_size":"crop-500"}],"trending_post_position":"meta","trending_post_label":"Trending","sponsored_post_label":"Sponsored by","disable_ad":"0","subtitle":"What hinders Syria\u2019s move from revolutionary politics to institutional statehood?"},"jnews_primary_category":[],"jnews_override_counter":{"view_counter_number":"0","share_counter_number":"0","like_counter_number":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":{"post_split":[{"template":"1","tag":"h2","numbering":"asc","mode":"normal","first":"0","enable_toc":"0","toc_type":"normal"}]},"footnotes":""},"categories":[430,19],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[405],"class_list":["post-40468","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-insights","category-slider"],"yoast_head":"\nPolitical Power-Sharing in Syria: Why Implementation Still Falters - 963+<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/24\/11\/2025\/political-power-sharing-in-syria-why-implementation-still-falters\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Political Power-Sharing in Syria: Why Implementation Still Falters\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Political participation in the governance of post-conflict Syria has become one of the core requirements of the transitional phase. 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