{"id":40339,"date":"2025-11-13T10:11:21","date_gmt":"2025-11-13T10:11:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/?p=40339"},"modified":"2025-11-13T10:11:21","modified_gmt":"2025-11-13T10:11:21","slug":"partial-setback-in-building-unified-syrian-national-institutions","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/13\/11\/2025\/partial-setback-in-building-unified-syrian-national-institutions\/","title":{"rendered":"Partial Setback in Building Unified Syrian National Institutions"},"content":{"rendered":"

Months after the reformation of Syria\u2019s security and military institutions, researchers and observers say these bodies still fall short of representing the nation\u2019s diversity. Rather than uniting Syrians under one structure, they have become arenas of competing loyalties and identities \u2013 a reflection of weak transitional leadership and fragile state institutions.<\/span><\/p>\n

While some experts argue that the country has travelled halfway towards rebuilding inclusive national frameworks, the reality on the ground suggests otherwise. The failure to attract all social and political components has left these institutions transitional in character \u2013 functioning, yet not fully national.<\/span><\/p>\n

Narrow Structures and Hasty Rebuilding<\/b><\/h2>\n

Political analyst Mohammad Hwaidi tells <\/span>+963<\/b> that the new authority \u201chas failed to attract Syria\u2019s diverse communities because its structure remains of one colour \u2013 confined within a specific ideological and sectarian framework\u201d. This, he says, has prevented it from developing a national discourse that speaks to all Syrians.<\/span><\/p>\n

The post-war reformation of the security and military bodies, Hwaidi explains, was \u201chasty and poorly managed\u201d, involving the dismissal of officers and employees who had played no direct role in the conflict. The result was a depletion of human expertise and the exclusion of capable Syrians who might have contributed to rebuilding the institutions.<\/span><\/p>\n

As the new leadership closed in on a narrow circle of loyalties, other groups withdrew into local identities, losing trust in the state. In this vacuum, sub-national affiliations began to replace the notion of a collective Syrian identity \u2013 each group viewing the other as a rival rather than a partner in rebuilding the country.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read also: A Debate on Syria\u2019s Governance and State Structure<\/a>
\n<\/strong><\/p>\n

A Legacy of Distrust<\/b><\/h2>\n

The rebuilding of Syria\u2019s security and military institutions carries the weight of a long and complicated legacy. For decades, these bodies were designed to protect the regime, not the state \u2013 instruments of political and social control rather than pillars of citizenship. As a result, they remain tainted by public mistrust, even after the system\u2019s collapse.<\/span><\/p>\n

Many Syrians had hoped the fall of the regime would lead to genuinely national institutions. Yet, as analysts point out, much of the new system reproduces old mechanisms, only under different names.<\/span><\/p>\n

Halfway Towards National Representation<\/b><\/h2>\n

Security analyst Hassan Khalilo offers a more optimistic view. He believes such turbulence is typical in post-revolutionary transitions.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cIt is natural,\u201d he tells <\/span>+963<\/b>, \u201cfor societies emerging from authoritarian rule to experience a temporary phase of insularity while the old order is dismantled \u2013 and Syria has gone through that phase relatively quickly.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Khalilo points to several positive developments: a rise in voluntary enlistment across internal security forces and the army; the creation of the tourism police in coastal cities with participation from Alawite men and women; and the March 10th Agreement, which allows the incorporation of three divisions from the Syrian Democratic Forces into the national army.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThese steps,\u201d he says, \u201cindicate that the institutions are halfway towards a more balanced and representative structure.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Integration and Control Challenges<\/b><\/h2>\n

Yet optimism remains tempered by the reality of weak control and authority. The integration of armed factions into the formal military structure is still fraught with difficulties. Special committees have been established to manage recruitment and discipline under new standards, but implementation is slow and results limited.<\/span><\/p>\n

The interim government struggles to extend its authority in areas such as the Druze-majority city of Suwayda, where local armed groups refuse full subordination to central command. This fractured landscape continues to undermine the vision of a single, unified Syrian state.<\/span><\/p>\n

Expertise Lost, Division Deepened<\/b><\/h2>\n

Field reports suggest that officers who defected from the former regime remain excluded from senior leadership, replaced by new commanders who often lack the necessary military experience.<\/span><\/p>\n

Analysts warn that this approach \u2013 prioritising loyalty over competence \u2013 prevents the creation of professional institutions and entrenches division along regional and sectarian lines.<\/span><\/p>\n

According to Hwaidi, sidelining experienced officers has deprived the institutions of essential balance and expertise. \u201cThe lack of diversity within these bodies,\u201d he says, \u201cundermines their legitimacy in the eyes of Syrians and perpetuates mistrust between society and the state.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Read also: Investing in Syria: Big Opportunities, Tough Challenges<\/a><\/strong>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

Reform or Regression<\/b><\/h2>\n

Despite the flaws, Khalilo insists this is not a story of total failure. \u201cThe security and military institutions have begun a gradual transformation towards more professional structures,\u201d he says. \u201cWith time, and if openness to broader participation continues, this evolution can consolidate into genuine reform.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

At present, Syria has managed to rebuild its security and military tools \u2013 but not their national legitimacy. Political and sectarian considerations still weigh heavily on decision-making, and trust between the state and its people remains fragile.<\/span><\/p>\n

The country now stands at a decisive crossroads. It can pursue genuine reform that widens participation and restores the institutions\u2019 national role \u2013 or remain locked in the old cycle of exclusion and control.<\/span><\/p>\n

In essence, Syria\u2019s experience represents a partial success in rebuilding institutions, but a clear failure in representation. The path towards truly national security and military bodies remains long \u2013 yet possible, if guided by political will and a shared national vision.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Months after the reformation of Syria\u2019s security and military institutions, researchers and observers say these bodies still fall short of representing the nation\u2019s diversity. Rather than uniting Syrians under one structure, they have become arenas of competing loyalties and identities \u2013 a reflection of weak transitional leadership and fragile state institutions. While some experts argue […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":103,"featured_media":40340,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"format":"standard","override":[{"template":"1","single_blog_custom":"0","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"1","layout":"left-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"float","share_float_style":"share-normal","show_share_counter":"1","show_view_counter":"1","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"g:i a d\/m\/Y","post_reading_time_wpm":"300","post_calculate_word_method":"str_word_count","show_zoom_button":"1","zoom_button_out_step":"5","zoom_button_in_step":"4","show_post_tag":"1","number_popup_post":"1","show_post_related":"1"}],"image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"crop-500","single_post_gallery_size":"crop-500"}],"trending_post_position":"meta","trending_post_label":"Trending","sponsored_post_label":"Sponsored by","disable_ad":"0","subtitle":"Syria\u2019s new security institutions: between nationhood and sectarian loyalties"},"jnews_primary_category":[],"jnews_override_counter":{"view_counter_number":"0","share_counter_number":"0","like_counter_number":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":{"post_split":[{"template":"1","tag":"h2","numbering":"asc","mode":"normal","first":"0","enable_toc":"0","toc_type":"normal"}]},"footnotes":""},"categories":[430,19],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[401],"class_list":["post-40339","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-insights","category-slider"],"yoast_head":"\nPartial Setback in Building Unified Syrian National Institutions - 963+<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Analysts say Syria\u2019s new security and military institutions remain divided by loyalties and mistrust \u2013 halfway between national reform and old patterns.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" 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