{"id":39702,"date":"2025-09-21T11:58:13","date_gmt":"2025-09-21T11:58:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/?p=39702"},"modified":"2025-09-21T11:58:13","modified_gmt":"2025-09-21T11:58:13","slug":"hate-speech-in-syria-political-legacy-and-weapon-of-war","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/21\/09\/2025\/hate-speech-in-syria-political-legacy-and-weapon-of-war\/","title":{"rendered":"Hate Speech in Syria: Political Legacy and Weapon of War"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>For decades, Syrians have lived with a deep-rooted problem: hate speech. It did not emerge solely from the war but was fostered through official policies and entrenched social practices.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Successive governments used schools, the media and political discourse to depict the \u201cother\u201d as a threat. This created divisions along ethnic and sectarian lines that became part of everyday life. When the uprising began in 2011, these tendencies did not vanish \u2013 they sharpened, turning into a central tool of war itself.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Instead of celebrating diversity as a source of strength and cultural richness, it was recast as a danger to be suppressed or controlled. Extremist groups added another layer, advancing exclusionary messages dressed in religious legitimacy, while the regime returned to its old playbook of vilification and fearmongering.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Today, more than a decade on from the outbreak of armed conflict, hate speech stands as one of the greatest obstacles to rebuilding Syrian society or forging a shared future rooted in pluralism.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Experiences elsewhere show what can be done. In Rwanda, after the 1994 genocide, schools and media were reoriented to ban racial incitement. In Bosnia, civil society organisations worked to restore trust across divided communities. These examples raise the question for Syria: what kind of national strategy can counter hate speech in a society long shaped by tension and suspicion?<\/span><\/p>\n<h2><b>From Baathist Policies to Jihadist Rhetoric<\/b><\/h2>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Abdelhalim Suleiman, a journalist based in Qamishli, tells <\/span><b>+963<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> that the Baathist regime\u2019s policies were decisive in embedding hate speech. \u201cThe Assad regime instilled a dismissive attitude towards others, elevating one community\u2019s narrative at the expense of the rest,\u201d he says. \u201cThe project was built on melting diverse identities into a false unity that did not reflect reality.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This approach did not create a cohesive national identity \u2013 it entrenched difference and division. Instead of strengthening sub-identities within a wider Syrian fabric, the regime relied on the principle of \u201cdivide and rule\u201d. Security services were central to this, and clashes between communities became a recurring feature of life.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Later, jihadist groups drew from the same exclusionary mindset. Many of their leaders had roots in the security and military establishments of Baathist systems in Iraq and Syria. \u201cMuch of the rhetoric and fatwas permitting violence against others carried the same mentality as Baathism \u2013 particularly its ethnic chauvinism,\u201d Suleiman explains. \u201cExtremist ideology in the region has its roots in the same logic, as we see with al-Qaeda and ISIS.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He notes that the hate speech promoted by these groups at first aimed to unite Sunni Arabs but soon turned against dissenters within their own ranks. Kurds, Christians, Druze and others were all cast as enemies \u2013 and so too were Sunni Arabs who failed to conform.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The current Syrian government, Suleiman argues, remains trapped. \u201cIt stems from the same ideological soil,\u201d he says. \u201cNo clear law criminalises hate speech. Religious platforms still amplify sectarianism, while pro-regime media figures continue to incite hostility across the country \u2013 whether in the coast, in Suwayda, or in the north-east.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This perpetuation, he warns, not only weakens the government but pushes Syria further into uncertainty and rancour. Civil society and media, he stresses, carry the heaviest responsibility in resisting such narratives \u2013 particularly those close to power who can drive real change.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Positive steps have emerged in the north-east, where civil groups and local administrations have opened dialogue between communities and promoted tolerance. Existing media laws, too, contain clauses against hate speech that could be enforced more consistently.<\/span><\/p>\n<h2><b>Hatred Rooted in Baathism<\/b><\/h2>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bassem al-Ahmad, director of Syrians for Truth and Justice, echoes the view that the Baath regime was not alone in embedding hate speech \u2013 successive governments share blame.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u201cThe Assad regime ran the state through the Baath Party, using exclusionary policies that branded opponents as traitors,\u201d he tells <\/span><b>+963<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. \u201cHate speech was not confined to politics \u2013 it seeped into mosques, into jokes and sayings, into school textbooks, even into everyday talk.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He argues that extremist groups and Turkish-backed factions later adopted their own hateful rhetoric, targeting non-Arabs and non-Muslims. As war spread, these messages were amplified by social media, reaching hundreds of thousands.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Al-Ahmad points to the damage done across all communities \u2013 Kurds, Alawites, Druze and others. Even Sunni opponents of the regime were stigmatised as \u201cterrorists\u201d or \u201cagents of Israel\u201d. Every violation, he says, was preceded by incitement.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For al-Ahmad, legal reform is essential \u2013 but not enough on its own. Education, civil society, religious leaders and the arts must all play a role in changing attitudes. He warns, however, against misusing the call to \u201ccombat hate speech\u201d as a cover for silencing free expression.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While Syrian media and NGOs have sometimes been complicit in spreading hostile rhetoric, there are also grassroots initiatives working to counter it. \u201cThe danger,\u201d he says, \u201cis when the fight against hate speech becomes another instrument of censorship.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>For decades, Syrians have lived with a deep-rooted problem: hate speech. It did not emerge solely from the war but was fostered through official policies and entrenched social practices. Successive governments used schools, the media and political discourse to depict the \u201cother\u201d as a threat. This created divisions along ethnic and sectarian lines that became [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":107,"featured_media":39703,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"format":"standard","override":[{"template":"1","single_blog_custom":"0","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"1","layout":"left-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"float","share_float_style":"share-normal","show_share_counter":"1","show_view_counter":"1","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"g:i a d\/m\/Y","post_reading_time_wpm":"300","post_calculate_word_method":"str_word_count","show_zoom_button":"1","zoom_button_out_step":"5","zoom_button_in_step":"4","show_post_tag":"1","number_popup_post":"1","show_post_related":"1"}],"image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"crop-500","single_post_gallery_size":"crop-500"}],"trending_post_position":"meta","trending_post_label":"Trending","sponsored_post_label":"Sponsored by","disable_ad":"0","subtitle":"A deep-rooted political and social legacy threatens hopes of building a shared future in a diverse country."},"jnews_primary_category":[],"jnews_override_counter":{"view_counter_number":"0","share_counter_number":"0","like_counter_number":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":{"post_split":[{"template":"1","tag":"h2","numbering":"asc","mode":"normal","first":"0","enable_toc":"0","toc_type":"normal"}]},"footnotes":""},"categories":[382,19],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[390],"class_list":["post-39702","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinions","category-slider"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v24.2 (Yoast SEO v27.7) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Hate Speech in Syria: Political Legacy and Weapon of War - 963+<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Hate speech in Syria is more than war rhetoric; it\u2019s a legacy of Baathist policies and jihadist narratives that threaten hopes for rebuilding a pluralistic future.\" 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