{"id":39610,"date":"2025-09-13T11:42:00","date_gmt":"2025-09-13T11:42:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/?p=39610"},"modified":"2025-09-13T11:42:00","modified_gmt":"2025-09-13T11:42:00","slug":"nationalist-and-religious-parties-in-syria-from-independence-to-the-post-mandate-era","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/13\/09\/2025\/nationalist-and-religious-parties-in-syria-from-independence-to-the-post-mandate-era\/","title":{"rendered":"Nationalist and Religious Parties in Syria: From Independence to the Post-Mandate Era"},"content":{"rendered":"

The redrawing of Middle Eastern states in the 1930s, and later the end of Western mandates, coincided with the emergence of political parties in countries such as Syria and Lebanon. These groups drew on diverse ideological foundations; nationalist, religious, and otherwise, benefiting from increased contact with the West and the rise of new social currents among the bourgeoisie and middle classes. Many of these movements sought to offer Syrians new forms of political participation while also inheriting the contradictions of the mandate era.<\/span><\/p>\n

A Natural Response to Circumstances<\/b><\/h2>\n

Historians argue that nationalist and religious parties in Syria arose as a natural response to the political and social conditions of independence and the post-mandate period. They presented Syrians with varied political options yet carried within them seeds of fragmentation and division that would later become evident.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read also: Syrian Figures Launch \u201cNational Bloc\u201d to Promote Unity and Democracy<\/a>
\n<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Brotherhood, the Ba\u2019ath, and the SSNP<\/b><\/h2>\n

Among the most influential parties to emerge in Syria in the 1930s and beyond were the <\/span>Muslim Brotherhood<\/b>, the <\/span>Arab Ba\u2019ath Party<\/b>, the <\/span>Arab Socialist Party<\/b>, and the <\/span>Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP)<\/b>. These parties adopted either political Islam or Arab nationalist ideologies, often framing their programs around \u201cArab unity\u201d and the Palestinian cause.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Muslim Brotherhood began in Syria in 1939 as a branch of Hassan al-Banna\u2019s Egyptian movement. Led by Mustafa al-Sibai, who had studied in Egypt, the group adopted political Islam and quickly spread in central and northern Syria. By 1946, it had become one of the most prominent political actors, appealing largely to conservative social classes wary of leftist currents. However, its influence remained concentrated in cities and their outskirts, with little reach into rural areas or the military. Its slogan, \u201cThe Islamic Solution,\u201d mirrored the Egyptian call \u201cIslam is the solution,\u201d and its platform sought to end foreign dependence, challenge feudal alliances with the urban bourgeoisie, and improve access to education and land reform.<\/span><\/p>\n

The SSNP, founded in 1932 by Lebanese \u00e9migr\u00e9 Antoun Saadeh, advocated \u201cGreater Syria,\u201d encompassing Lebanon, Syria, Palestine, and Jordan, and promoted secularism, central state authority, and a strong military. Its ideas resonated with minorities, students, the petty bourgeoisie, and segments of the army. By the 1940s and early 1950s, it had become one of the strongest parties in terms of organization and intellectual cadre, particularly among Alawites and in rural Homs and Hama.<\/span><\/p>\n

The <\/span>Arab Ba\u2019ath Socialist Party<\/b>, established in 1947 through the merger of Michel Aflaq\u2019s Ba\u2019ath Party and Akram al-Hawrani\u2019s Arab Socialist Party, drew inspiration from earlier nationalist movements such as the League of National Action. Rooted in the middle class, it attracted civil servants, teachers, professionals, and industrialists. The Ba\u2019ath\u2019s growth was further propelled by strong support from Syrian military officers, who found in its ideology a vehicle for influence and eventual control of state power.<\/span><\/p>\n

Critics argue that both nationalist and religious parties undermined the development of a unified Syrian national identity. The Ba\u2019ath entrenched Arab nationalism at the expense of Syrian identity, while the Brotherhood pursued transnational Islamist goals without a clear national project. This left Syrian politics deeply fragmented.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read also: Tarek Wahbi to +963: Damascus May Overlook Issues if SDF and Turkey Reach Agreement<\/a>
\n<\/strong><\/p>\n

Cross-Border Programs<\/b><\/h2>\n

Syrian political analyst Hossam Najjar, based in Poland, explains that <\/span>\u201c<\/span><\/i>the Syrian Social Nationalist Party sought, through its idea of a single region and Greater Syria, to place everyone in one framework. For the party, division and isolation were seen as existential threats to the fragmented entities of the region, so its vision was integrative and regional in scope. By contrast, the Ba\u2019ath Party\u2019s foundations were entirely different: its principles relied on mobilizing ordinary people rather than elites, drawing workers and peasants against landlords and capitalists. This gave the Ba\u2019ath strong popular momentum at a time when feudalism and capital dominated the country\u2019s resources.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Najjar added in comments to <\/span>+963<\/b> that \u201cthese parties differed in their goals, ambitions, origins, and target groups. The French and British mandates may have indirectly influenced their ideologies, but while some parties may have been encouraged by colonial powers, this did not necessarily mean they were controlled or subordinate to them.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Paths of Formation<\/b><\/h2>\n

Mohammad Al-Faqir, Deputy Head of the \u201cNew Syria\u201d movement in Damascus, stressed in comments to <\/span>+963<\/b> that <\/span>\u201c<\/span><\/i>the emergence of nationalist and religious parties in Syria cannot be separated from the country\u2019s broader political context during and after the mandate, and even during the late Ottoman period. By the late 19th century, the Ottoman Empire itself was shifting from a sultanate into a modern state. Within the dominance of notables and elites, these parties were not truly national movements. Their orientations were either local and factional, or transnational, without comprehensive programs for Syria as a whole.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Al-Faqir argued that <\/span>\u201c<\/span><\/i>these parties emerged as a reaction to the collapse of the Ottoman state, and to the conflicts between liberal and secular forces advocating independence and conservative Islamic forces aligning themselves with the Ottoman legacy. Many also opposed the new borders drawn after the empire\u2019s fall. As a result, their programs and slogans were not rooted in Syria\u2019s immediate political realities but projected across borders\u2014for instance, the SSNP\u2019s call for a \u2018Syrian homeland\u2019 extending from Sinai to northern Arabia, Iraq, and Mersin.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Read also: Trigger Mechanism Live: Iran Between Negotiation or Peril<\/a>
\n<\/strong><\/p>\n

National vs. Transnational Agendas<\/b><\/h2>\n

These parties have been accused of exploiting Syrians\u2019 nationalist and religious sentiments during the post-mandate era, amid campaigns aimed at reshaping identities and the growing prominence of the Palestinian cause. They adopted transnational slogans to attract mass support and seize power, but this often undermined their ability to develop coherent national programs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Najjar further noted that <\/span>\u201c<\/span><\/i>with the end of World War II and the rise of a bipolar world order, these parties had to adapt. Some became satellites of larger global powers, others split into rival wings (like the Ba\u2019ath), some expanded internationally (like the Muslim Brotherhood), while others such as the SSNP gradually faded due to weak foundations and suppression by competing forces.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Contradicting a Unified Syrian Identity<\/b><\/h2>\n

Scholarly assessments conclude that the objectives of these parties ultimately conflicted with the formation of a unified Syrian national identity within the borders established after independence. While they rejected the geopolitical framework imposed by the great powers, they failed to propose a viable alternative. Their ideologies functioned more as tools of mass mobilization and vehicles for power than as national projects. This contributed, albeit partially, to the political fragmentation that Syria experienced across later decades.<\/span><\/p>\n

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The redrawing of Middle Eastern states in the 1930s, and later the end of Western mandates, coincided with the emergence of political parties in countries such as Syria and Lebanon. These groups drew on diverse ideological foundations; nationalist, religious, and otherwise, benefiting from increased contact with the West and the rise of new social currents […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":112,"featured_media":39611,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"format":"standard","override":[{"template":"1","single_blog_custom":"0","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"1","layout":"left-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"float","share_float_style":"share-normal","show_share_counter":"1","show_view_counter":"1","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"g:i a 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