{"id":37625,"date":"2025-04-19T19:59:25","date_gmt":"2025-04-19T19:59:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/?p=37625"},"modified":"2025-04-19T19:59:25","modified_gmt":"2025-04-19T19:59:25","slug":"this-is-how-the-alawite-question-came-to-be-and-how-it-might-be-resolved","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/963media.com\/en\/19\/04\/2025\/this-is-how-the-alawite-question-came-to-be-and-how-it-might-be-resolved\/","title":{"rendered":"This is how the “Alawite Question” came to be\u2026 and how it might be resolved"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Rustum Mahmoud<\/b><\/em><\/p>\n

Syrian oral history tells of a moment during General Salah Jadid\u2019s de facto leadership (1966\u20131970), when then-Information Minister Sami al-Jundi proposed publishing the religious texts of the Alawite sect. The aim was to diffuse the religious and political ambiguity that surrounded the Alawites, particularly after a group of Alawite officers, chief among them Jadid himself and Hafez al-Assad, rose to power following the 1966 Baath Party coup.<\/span><\/p>\n

The reaction among Syria\u2019s socially conservative Sunni majority was intense and hostile. Quietly, but persistently, many within that base went so far as to “excommunicate” Alawites, viewing them through a mythologized lens not unlike that applied to alien or enemy groups, fearful, exaggerated, and deeply suspicious.<\/span><\/p>\n

Jadid rejected al-Jundi\u2019s proposal, arguing that it would only deepen the religious and social polarization within the country. Such a move, he said, ran counter to the Baath Party\u2019s self-image as a secular, civil movement. The regime, in turn, chose to act as though the issue simply didn\u2019t exist.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read also: Local Agreements: A Pathway to Rebuilding the Syrian State<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

That policy, denial at the surface, sectarian structuring underneath, continued for more than five decades under the leadership of Hafez al-Assad and later his son, Bashar. The essence of their political model, inherited from Jadid, rested on two contradictory pillars: First, the implementation of profoundly sectarian practices within the state apparatus, especially in terms of loyalty networks, the organization of security services, and the inner core of the regime, all of which were built overwhelmingly with loyal Alawite members. It\u2019s crucial to note that these policies didn\u2019t necessarily benefit the broader Alawite community, but rather utilized its members as tools to secure the regime\u2019s power.<\/span><\/p>\n

Second, to balance this inner sectarianism, the regime adopted compensatory policies that offered symbolic and institutional privileges to the Sunni majority. These included the exclusive use of Sunni jurisprudence in education and the judiciary, formal recognition of Sunni Islam as the state\u2019s religious identity, and Sunni control over the Ministry of Religious Endowments. Furthermore, the state adopted Sunni religious holidays and customs into its official calendar, reinforcing a symbolic Sunni dominance.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Baathist regime did all of this under a cloak of what might be called \u201cfunctional secularism\u201d, a secularism that served more to legitimize and beautify the authoritarian structure than to genuinely separate religion from state. But this camouflage couldn\u2019t contain the growing sectarian infection. Over time, resentment built on both sides, fermenting a toxic mix of mutual suspicion and invisible grievance. Alawites continued to feel excluded from the symbolic heart of the nation, believing the state was still dominated by Sunni norms. Meanwhile, many Sunnis came to believe that Syria\u2019s power structure was entirely Alawite.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read also: A Fragmented Economy: Syria\u2019s Struggle to Rebuild Across Divided Regions<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

This political trajectory was compounded by deeper religious ambiguities. Unlike other religious minorities in Syria, such as the Druze, Ismailis, and Twelver Shi\u2019a, the Alawite sect had no clearly defined, publicly accessible religious texts. Its belief system remained largely obscure to outsiders. Moreover, it lacked a formal clerical hierarchy; its religious leadership was among the weakest and most marginalized in the country.<\/span><\/p>\n

This vacuum, created by the regime\u2019s opaque sectarian policies and the doctrinal vagueness of Alawite beliefs, allowed religious hardliners to weave fantastical, conspiratorial narratives about Alawites. In the Assad era, these narratives lurked beneath the surface. Today, they\u2019ve become overt, vulgar, and shameless.<\/span><\/p>\n

These fabricated perceptions now fuel a growing wave of political and physical violence against Alawites. Their rights to civil life and social dignity are increasingly dismissed, as if they are expendable, a group to be erased rather than engaged.<\/span><\/p>\n

There are, broadly speaking, two paths out of this grim and dangerous impasse, two potential solutions to this long-festering \u201cAlawite question.\u201d Only the ruling regime has the authority to decide which path Syria will take.<\/span><\/p>\n

It is either a path toward Syria becoming a truly civil state, where religion and sect are stripped of any sovereign or political function. A place where no Syrian feels superior, or inferior based on sectarian affiliation. In this model, religion retains a symbolic presence in public life and informs some civil laws but does not dictate state policy. Sectarian tensions would fade into irrelevance, no longer visible, effective, or meaningful, just as they have in many modern secular nations.<\/span><\/p>\n

Alternatively,\u00a0 Syria could officially embrace its Sunni majority identity and restructure the state accordingly. But to do so justly, the constitution must first recognize all other sects, especially the Alawites, the country\u2019s second-largest religious group, and secure their place in the public sphere. This would entail establishing separate systems of education and justice for each sect, and formalizing a sectarian quota system across state institutions, administrative structures, and the nation\u2019s symbolic life.<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

By Rustum Mahmoud Syrian oral history tells of a moment during General Salah Jadid\u2019s de facto leadership (1966\u20131970), when then-Information Minister Sami al-Jundi proposed publishing the religious texts of the Alawite sect. The aim was to diffuse the religious and political ambiguity that surrounded the Alawites, particularly after a group of Alawite officers, chief among […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":37635,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"format":"standard","override":[{"template":"1","single_blog_custom":"0","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"1","layout":"left-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"float","share_float_style":"share-normal","show_share_counter":"1","show_view_counter":"1","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"g:i a d\/m\/Y","post_reading_time_wpm":"300","post_calculate_word_method":"str_word_count","show_zoom_button":"1","zoom_button_out_step":"5","zoom_button_in_step":"4","show_post_tag":"1","number_popup_post":"1","show_post_related":"1"}],"image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"crop-500","single_post_gallery_size":"crop-500"}],"trending_post_position":"meta","trending_post_label":"Trending","sponsored_post_label":"Sponsored by","disable_ad":"0","subtitle":"From shadowy marginalization to stark visibility: Tracing the roots of the Alawite question and the paths toward a Syrian solution."},"jnews_primary_category":[],"jnews_override_counter":{"view_counter_number":"0","share_counter_number":"0","like_counter_number":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":{"post_split":[{"template":"1","tag":"h2","numbering":"asc","mode":"normal","first":"0","enable_toc":"0","toc_type":"normal"}]},"footnotes":""},"categories":[382,19],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[166],"class_list":["post-37625","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinions","category-slider"],"yoast_head":"\nThis is how the "Alawite Question" came to be\u2026 and how it might be resolved - 963+<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Exploring the roots of Syria\u2019s "Alawite question", how a regime built on sectarian control disguised itself in secularism, and why resolving this identity crisis is key to Syria\u2019s future.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, 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